Confucio y el Lenguaje

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INTERPRETAR A CONFUCIO

La interpretación tradicional del pensamiento de Kong Zi ha conceptualizado el análisis confuciano del mundo en función de una Relación filosófica entre dos Conceptos que cierran y abren la Lectura confuciana clásica. Estos dos conceptos son

Li es Rito. Ren es Humanidad.

Ambos a dos son sin duda conceptos pesados y poderosos. Disponen de Fuerza. En la especulación confuciana aparecen una y otra vez. Son fundacionales. Sin embargo, muy pocas las sentencias de las Analectas que definen o atribuyen con solidez final, un significado a estos dos conceptos en relación con el problema del lenguaje.

Es ciertamente difícil, valorar y atribuir si la especulación de Kong Zi en torno al problema de lenguaje y su relación con Li y Ren fue intencionada. Su transcurrir es intenso, largo y múltiple. Al igual que con los textos Clásicos del Taoísmo, las Analectas o Lun Yu se han visto amenazadas por una suerte de mutaciones. Son muchos los misterios y secretos filológicos y hermenéuticos que encierran estos textos clásicos chinos en torno a la reflexión sobre el Lenguaje. Subrayamos ya, el problema del Lenguaje puede traducirse en Confucio como el problema de los Nombres y los Hechos. Hay fragmentos y memoria. De hecho, Lun Yu es una suerte de consorte de Escuchas. Kong Zi no escribió: solo dijo. Ahora bien, ¿reflexiono Confucio en torno a la esencia del lenguaje? Este asunto se torna importante ya que aun poder saberlo, disponemos de un texto numinoso desde el que poder re-leer y aumentar nuestra situación histórico-hermenéutica. Si el objetivo filosófico de esta investigación es desentrañar nuevos caminos a seguir y nuevas luces, esta relectura debe ser pues optimista. Las enseñanzas textuales de Confucio han sufrido la Transformación más importante que cualquier Texto Especulativo puede experimentar, a saber: el paso de Filosofía a Religión. Además, disponemos de un concepto sobresaturado - el Rito – con Sentido profundo y misterioso que nos encaminará a sonsacar, liberar y engrandecer los sentidos del camino del Decir (Yan) en Kong Zi.

Uno de los peligros de la Interpretación es que sus textos viven a la Intemperie. Deberíamos preguntarnos si existe una Interpretación Pura, libre. Un lugar en donde la conjugación entre Yo y Texto no haya Intermediarios. El Peligro de la llamada Interpretación ortodoxa de los textos filosóficos es, en este sentido, su necesaria debilidad. Esta investigación va a interpretar textualmente la esencia del Lenguaje y el Decir en algunas sentencias de Confucio. A este respecto, repetimos, las reflexiones que podemos encontrar en las Analectas dejan ciertamente muchos puntos en la oscuridad.

EL RITO DEL DECIR Y EL DECIR DEL RITO EN CONFUCIO

Kong Zi observo el Rito y observo el Lenguaje. Rito es Li. Y Li debe abarcar la totalidad de lo que hay, pues en la esfera de los hombres todo debe ser Rito. Si el lector se pregunta por lo que hay más allá del Rito debe saber que no hay nada. Tras un mundo sin Li se abre el más profundo Desorden. Más allá del Rito solo habita una cosa: la barbarie. La barbarie es el Caos – Luan - que todo lo arrasa y todo lo confunde. Incluso al mismo Lenguaje: el Decir. El Rito, por ello, se expresa por y a través de un Orden: Li es el resultado y el ritual es el proceso.

Con todo, no debemos confundir al lector: Confucio nunca dijo que el Lenguaje o el Decir fuese un Rito. Ni que todo fuese Rito. Ni Yan – lenguaje - ni Ming 名 – Nombre - es Li. Sin embargo, no sería inadecuado afirmar que la concepción confuciana del Decir y el Lenguaje está hilada a través del sentido y el funcionamiento del Rito. Para Confucio, efectivamente, puede haber un Decir y un Lenguaje sin Rito, pero tal Lenguaje no sería otra cosa que un Lenguaje del Caos y el Desorden. Por ello, Decir del Orden es necesariamente Hablar con el Orden. Y corresponder-se con lo social. La práctica de los Ritos es por ello necesaria. Debe respetarse pues el Rito no es simplemente un mero Rito: el Rito es el Gestar Configurativo mismo, la apertura al proyecto del Futuro y la mesura en el presente que forma al hombre en tanto que hombre y que es camino hacia la Virtud.

Confucio en este sentido un Moralista y un soldado de la virtud. El objetivo filosófico confuciano es el fin del Desorden, del desequilibrio y de la confusión de las jerarquías, que alteradas, enfermarían el Reino. Gong Zi creía pues en una suerte de pecado: transgredir el Rito, y transformarlo en algo inútil (Wu Wei). El Rito es pues el Lugar Intermedio desde el que el hombre camina y sigue la Norma (Dao) y la Norma se convierte en Camino (Dao).

En Lun Yu hay dos definiciones indirectas de Li. La primera se encuentra en Lun Yu 3.4. y refiere un día en que Lin Fang pregunto a Gong Zi sobre la Naturaleza o Esencia del Rito (Li Zhi Ben) y Gong Zi dijo:

'Es mejor la frugalidad que la extravagancia, en los entierros es mejor los profunda tristeza que la calma.'

La segunda (3.15) nos cuenta que un día Gong Zi entro en el Gran Templo y pregunto sobre todo lo que veía. Alguien, escuchándolo, reprocho que aquel fuese un Maestro del Rito (lit: Un conocedor del Rito: ¿...zhi zi zhi li ping?). Al oírlo Gong Zi dijo: “Esto es el Rito.”

El primer texto refiere al Lugar donde el Hombre camina: la vida misma y su fin. El Ritual no es algo enfermizo y maniático: es Natural. Esta es la Esencia del Rito. La segunda sentencia indica otro aspecto del Rito: la Escucha. Gong Zi Conoce el Rito porque sabe Escuchar. Gong se interroga y pregunta sobre cada cosa que ve en el templo. El texto de Gong Zi, magníficamente, dice en perfecta composición de tres caracteres el ser del Rito:

Dice el crítico: mei shi wen. Gong Zi responde: shi li ye.

Ambas a dos, Escucha y pregunta, frugalidad y respeto, son el Rito Mismo. Vemos, pues, que con el Rito se configura una suerte de Convención natural, cuya finalidad es Ordenar el mundo de los hombres a través del uso de las Distinciones –Fen -. Es importante subrayar ya que el Rito Confuciano une el mundo de los hombres y el mundo sobrenatural. Su esencia es la imitación del Rito de la Dinastía Zhou, guía de la Virtud (Dice en Lun Yu: 4.14. “Yo estoy de acuerdo con Zhou”). Esta imitación debe ser una encomendación, completa y total. Hay, pues, cierto inmovilismo en la esencia del Rito frente al Movimiento del Decir y de las Cosas, de los Nombres y de los Hechos. Y este acompaña al Nombre y, por ende, al lenguaje y el decir.

EL LENGUAJE EN CHINA Y CONCLUSIONES FILOSOFICAS

Rastrear o buscar el fundamento último del Lenguaje en la China Clásica no es inútil. Responde, fundamentalmente, a las inquietudes de la Filosofía Occidental. El delirio cartesiano o los errores filosóficos que el Positivismo liberador se ofrecía a resolver, son ciertamente impensables en la China Clásica. Sin embargo, insistimos, una relectura y una interpretación es reveladora.

El Lenguaje en China no fue algo isolado e independiente del Hombre o de sí mismo. El Lenguaje fue únicamente la unión y la concatenación de Nombres y, así, de Hechos (Shi). Por ende, de Hechos y, así, de Nombres. No es posible encontrar mención alguna en textos clásicos a un Lenguaje sin que este refiera a los Nombres y su uso. Hay Lenguaje en la medida en que hay Nombres y estos se usan. El ideal, se ha concluido generalmente, fue fundamentalmente pragmático: los Nombres y su Movimiento permitió el Lenguaje. No fue el Lenguaje el que permitió el Movimiento de los Nombres. Más que una dilucidación del Lenguaje en sí mismo o una Lingüística Filosófica, Gong Zi propone una Pragmatica Moral, que delimite el poder y valor de la palabras, a través de la Distinción, el Orden y la Armonia. Esta nace, posiblemente, de una suerte de creencia en un orden trascendental fundado en una correspondencia transitiva ontológica.

Las Analectas de Confucio dicen sobre los Nombres y el Lenguaje de manera terriblemente breve. Ello debe invitar a reflexionar y no a especular. Tres son los conceptos en donde podemos delimitar la esencia del Lenguaje en los textos de Confucio: el primero es la Corrección, el Segundo la Armonía, el tercero, los Textos.

  • La Corrección se corresponde con la Rectificación de los Nombres y la restauración del orden social.
  • La Armonía observa el Cielo y lo Natural.
  • Los Textos reivindican una exégetica del pasado, reverente, y la búsqueda de un estilo gramatical, moral y cosmológico.

El Lenguaje del que Confucio habla es el lenguaje de los Hombres y el de la Sociedad. No se trata este de un Lenguaje cerrado sobre sí mismo, circular, vicioso. No hay en Kong Zi un Lenguaje de sí mismo: un lenguaje del mismo lenguaje. Incluso un examen detenido de la gramática de Lun Yu testimonia un uso particular del carácter Yan – lenguaje = decir - que como Nombre o Verbo, aparece generalmente atribuido y valorado. Lo que se puede traducir como Lenguaje es el Decir, que aparece generalmente vinculado y relacionado con algo dicho. Por ello, Yan no es un Lenguaje de sí: es un lenguaje de Algo. Es, de este modo, Decir algo o sobre algo y no el Decir mismo.

Lun Yu dice sobre los resultados del Decir, sobre los agentes o las causas del Decir, pero pocas veces enseña sobre el Decir mismo. Hay, pues, una Boca, por la que se dice y que dice (5.5); una Virtud, que es anterior al Decir, y que transforma el Decir en algo valioso y digno; hay Nombres no adecuados que deben ser rectificados (13.3) y, por ello, ajustados al Orden social, que debe ser Natural; hay Decir, ciertamente, pero sujeto y atribuido a la Acción. Los penetrantes fragmentos de Lun Yu refieren, pues, un Sujeto que habla. Y que no se deja hablar. Un Sujeto que dice y que no es dicho. Un Sujeto que sabe del poder de los Nombres y del Decir y que desea conocer el Decir para conocer verdaderamente, a los Hombres (Otro) y a sí mismo (la Escucha) (20.3). Por otro lado, textualmente, creer y Decir - Xin y Yan - aparecen frecuentemente unidos. No hay uno sin otro. Un Decir Correcto es aquel que tolera la Creencia.

La reflexión política confuciana también son guía de sus reflexiones filosóficas. La Jerarquía social, feudal Confucio, es al mismo tiempo epistemológica. Por ello, a cada Lugar (ontológico) le corresponde un tipo de Decir (ontolingüístico). Pues cada Lugar tiene diferentes responsabilidades epistemológicas. Hay en Confucio dos formas de Decir, Diferentes y opuestas: la correcta y la incorrecta. Este recurso, frecuente en el Confucianismo posterior, valora un modo de conducta, que debe guiar el uso del mismo lenguaje.

Hay dos Decires pues hay dos tipos de hombres. Y no hay dos tipos de hombres porque existan dos Decires. El Lugar epistemológico y ético donde descansa el Decir , es el Hombre que dice y que habla, y, por ende, la calidad moral de este. Todo ello nos permite concluir un aspecto importante: preguntarse, así, por la esencia del Decir en las enseñanzas de Kong Zi es preguntarse por aquello que hace del Decir algo Moral y Recto.

Esta creación textual sobre la existencia de dos tipos de Hombres es ciertamente una suerte de Teoria Pedagógica. Pero también cosmológica. Kong Zi presenta dos hombres. Por un lado, el Yin; por otro lado, el Yang. Ambos a dos Dicen, pero cada uno de un modo diferente. Ahora bien, ¿qué dos hombres son estos? ¿cómo son y cuál es su esencia? Kong Zi, sabiendo que es provechoso mostrar las cosas que ya conocemos o creemos conocer, refiere a ellos con dos nombres: Jun Zi y Xiao Ren. El caballero y el hombre pequeño . Como en la oposición verdad/parecer de Parmenides corresponden estas dos posturas del ser humano. Jun Zi significa Caballero. Es el hombre de recta virtud, el Hombre Superior. Notemos que Jun Zi no es un Sabio. Es por ello un buscador. Para Confucio ser un buscador es ser un estudioso de los hombres, del Decir y de la Virtud (1.14) Por el contrario, Xiao Ren es el Hombre pequeño, el Ignorante. Su estudio es enfermo, su búsqueda incierta. Kong Zi refiere a él de muchas maneras. A veces refiere a él como un Instrumento, esto es, como una vasija pequeña, donde no cabe lo suficiente. Y si algo cabe, esto no es suficiente. Por el contrario, “el Hombre de Virtud Superior no es un Utensilio” (2.12)

Si bien el Lenguaje o el Decir se encuentra presente en ambos dos: ¿quién dice correctamente? ¿qué es Decir-Correcto? Y más aún, ¿qué hace de un Decir algo correcto y de otro decir algo No-Correcto? La existencia de dos tipos de Hombres implica, pues, la existencia de dos tipos de Decir. Hay, pues, un Decir del Jun Zi y un Decir del Xiao Ren.

El texto de Kong Zi presenta adjetivos de manera casi interminable en los que describe las calidades morales del Hombre Superior. Jun Zi sabe Decir, pues cuando dice, dice con cuidado. En todos los asuntos, sus palabras son prudentes. Su boca no es deslenguada pues ha controlado el mundo con el Rito y ha venerado la Sabiduría. Mientras el Hombre Superior piensa con Yi (4.13), el Ignorante infringe, pues repite dos veces sus errores (6.3) El Hombre Pequeño (Xiao Ren) piensa en el Beneficio (Li). Además, el Decir del Jun Zi es un Decir destinado a la Acción: un Decir fundamentalmente Práctico que antepone la Acción (Xing) al Decir (Yan), y luego está de acuerdo con ella (2.13) El Hombre superior dice lo justo. Y no piensa más de dos veces. Y Más aún, si Jun Zi, el Hombre Superior, es prudente y cuidadoso en su Decir (1.14) entonces tiene Dao y tiene Zheng 正.

Como vemos , el Caballero , por un lado, está en Camino pues ha advertido el Camino; por otro lado, tiene Rectitud pues lo que Dice es recto y es capaz de Rectificar.

EL ANTISOFISMO

Kong Zi menciona poco a los Oradores. El Orador – Ning - Dice. Y dice con destreza y talento, pero no necesariamente con Virtud.

Algo común.

El Orador, por ello, puede ser un Ignorante. Su Decir no tiene Cheng, no está Completo. Para Gong Zi nada hay más importante que aquel que sigue los Ritos (5.5). Y el Orador antepone el Decir (Yan) a los Hechos (2.13). Solo el Jun Zi no es un Instrumento (2.12). Por eso, dice el Zhou Yi , Jun Zi no es un Orador, sino aquel que "cultiva el Lenguaje". Esto es: Ci.

La transgresión del Rito provoca un Desequilibrio en lo Social. Confucio propone acudir a la Rectificación de los Nombres (Zheng 正 Ming 名) a fin de restaurar el Orden perdido. Es posible hablar en el Mundo del Caos y del Desorden. Y efectivamente se puede – capacidad – hablar no-adecuadamente pero este decir esta envenenado. Sencillamente, se hablaría Mal, se hablaría del desorden y con el desorden. Como vemos, la virtud crea Buen Habla y Buen decir. Sin embargo, el habla puede crear Mala Virtud. Confucio concluye : acción correcta y, así, lenguaje correcto.

La prueba ética antisofista confuciana por excelencia es el Silencio. Las últimas páginas de Lun Yu dicen claramente sobre el sentido del Silencio Confuciano. Presentamos a continuación una traducción del paragrafo 17:19., en la versión que a nuestro ver consideramos más adecuada, a saber: la Literalista.

Advertimos al lector de la profundidad del texto que presentamos, prueba viva, de nuevo, de la maestría del estilo confuciano. El Silencio aparece en un sentido doble: por un lado, Kong Zi se decide a no hablar más (Yan). Los discípulos se alarman y, perdidos, le preguntan sobre su destino. El paragrafo se pregunta, de este modo, sobre los efectos del Silencio. Y por otro lado responde con una pregunta sobre el mismo silencio, haciendo de la pregunta la misma respuesta, que queda de nuevo sin responder y sin embargo, que ya no resulta igual a la anterior. Dos preguntas, pues, iguales pero diferentes. Un silencio, así, que ya no es Silencio . Este estilo, frecuente en la llamada literatura Sabia de Asia, desde Confucio hasta los Kôan japoneses, muestra aquí la majestad e importancia de la reflexión sobre el hombre y su acontecer.

  • Kong Zi dijo: "Yo deseo no tener que Decir (Yan) (más).”
  • Zi Gong dijo:“Si Usted no Dice, entonces (nosotros) los pequeños discípulos, ¿cómo transmitiremos?”
  • Kong Zi dijo: “¿Cómo Dice (Yan) el Cielo (Tian)? Las Cuatro Estaciones se mueven (Xing), Oh. Las 100 Cosas nacen, Oh. ¿Cómo Dice (Yan) el Cielo (Tian)?”

EL TERROR Y EL CAOS EN CONFUCIO

Hablar correctamente es así una suerte de Rito. El Rito es pues algo Vivo y Natural. No algo Muerto y Artificial como más tarde criticará el revolucionario anti-confuciano, Mo Di. Frente al Rito nace amenaza su contrario. El miedo filosófico es el que nace de la reflexión y el conocimiento. No el miedo al Ente, sino al desorden de lo que el Hombre considera y nombra como ente, a saber: el Hecho (Shi). Y más aún, el verdadero miedo filosófico es la impostura del Hecho, que encubierto por un mal uso de los Nombres, pierde su estatuto, su límite y su identidad, moral y social y, así, muere y en su muerte, destruye. Si hay que hablar, pues, de un Miedo, ciertamente sería apropiado referir a él como un Miedo epistemológico que es también Moral.

Kong Zi temió el Caos –Luan-. Pues habita en el mundo de los hombres , el Error (Guo) que provoca la decadencia y el desorden, profundamente histórico. Uno de los paragrafos más reveladores y misteriosos de Lun Yu, menta:

  • “Kong Zi dijo: (Si) tenemos Virtud (De) (entonces) necesariamente tenemos Decir, (si) tenemos Decir (entonces) no tenemos necesariamente Virtud.” (14.4)

En efecto, hay cierta relación no transitiva - no identidad, moral y epistémica - entre Decir (Yan) y Virtud (De). Como vemos, la Virtud –De- debe ser anterior al Decir, pues siempre es Recta (Zheng 正) y no admite el error. El Decir, sin embargo, admite el Error. Por ello, al orador y el sofista no debe creerseles, pues anteponen al Rito, el Lenguaje y el Decir.

La noción de Decir en Kong Zi no es pues algo estático, sino algo que llega-a-ser Moral y Virtuoso. Algo que brota y surge y debe conocerse para poder coronarse como algo Necesario (Bi). El Decir no es algo Bueno o Malo: es simplemente Inocente. El problema, como vemos, no radica en las características y las determinaciones que conforman el Decir mismo sino en el sujeto que Dice.

Con todo, Kong Zi no enseña qué es lo que esta presente de manera inexorable en el Decir mismo y hace de él algo peligroso. Remite a una suerte de Metalenguaje regulador, del que habla poco: el Cielo. El Decir con Virtud es pues Virtud que Dice. La Virtud confuciana una vez más es anterior al Decir, precisamente porque es espontánea y natural y se guía por sí misma.

Cuando se dice que Confucio deseaba sin infringir la Norma a los 70 años, se quiere dar a entender que Decía sin infringir la Virtud. Esto es, que su Decir no estaba separado de la Virtud. Decía, pues, en una suerte de No-Decir. Esto, por supuesto, no quiere decir que Kong Zi no dijese nada. Significa que Kong Zi quería Decir sin alejarse de la Virtud. Vemos pues una suerte de identificación que podemos subrayar ya como espiritual entre dos conceptos que se encuentran separados. Errar o equivocarse es así un gran peligro, pues supone anteponer el Decir a la Virtud.

El antisofismo confuciano es una vez pedagógico. La Ignorancia del Hombre nace de errar por el Decir, en buscar la Virtud en el Decir. Para Confucio este camino es innecesario e artificial. El Hombre que Confucio formula sigue un camino opuesto: busca el Decir en la Virtud. Y finalmente alcanza el objetivo: la Sabiduría. O dicho de otro modo: el movimiento, necesario, entre Decir y Virtud.

La Sabiduria es, pues, el Camino efectuado, realizado y que aún se camina. Un tenerse y ser tenido, en reposo (jing), en la Virtud que es Lo Natural -Ziran-.

La vida es, en este sentido, es el Lugar que capacita y cualifica a decir correctamente. El Decir de la Sabiduría (Zhi) es el Decir en donde la Negación se corresponde con la Negación y la Afirmación se corresponde con la Afirmación. Es el Decir del Conocer. Dice Kong Zi:

"Yu, ¿Cómo enseñarte que es el Conocer? Lo que conoces es lo que conoces. Lo que no conoces es lo que no conoces. Esto es Conocer. " (2.17)

El Decir debe corresponderse con un Lugar. Kong Zi no habla del Lugar explícitamente pero si indica donde puede encontrarse en ese Lugar. Sorprendentemente, el Lugar que Confucio propone se encuentra en el Texto mismo, y mas aún: en la gramática. Y por ello, en la Escucha. Esta tesis, poco conocida en Occidente, hunde sus raíces los antecedentes mágicos atribuidos en la antigua china a ala escritura. Confucio dice: El Hijo no es Padre, el Padre no es el Hijo. Las montañas no son las llanuras. Esto es: la correspondencias no son arbitraria. Existe un sentido. Y sin embargo hay un peligro : puede Decirse arbitrariamente.

Kong Zi advierte de ello. Su enseñanza dice:

'Arrojarse uno mismo en las enseñanzas extrañas es peligroso." (2.16)'

Por ello, si no conocemos y respetamos los Ritos, el Decir se apoderara de los hombres, el Error hará confuso lo que pudo ser claro, y el discernir, la Distinción y lo Co-Recto, se perderán en un Decir siempre incumplido. Y así no se podrá creer a nadie y nadie creerá al otro y ni tan siquiera a sí mismo. Esto es , la creencia - Xin - no se corresponderá con el Decir – Yan -, Yan no se corresponderá con Xin. Habrá Yi: Diferencia.

Y nacerá el Terror que es el Caos – Luan -.

Como vemos, el Error como categoría filosófica confuciana es el Desorden: el desorden en las Nombres y en los Hechos, la superposición de Jerarquías y el fin de lo inmemorial. A su vez, el Error consiste en Hablar sin Orden. Hablar sin Orden significa, hablar sin atender al Rito de los Nombres. Esto es, hablar sin Virtud o sin la guía de esta. El Error que Confucio teme es la unión desafortunada, la isomorfia quebrada, sin Lugar ni posición, lo No-Correcto. Si Nombre y Hecho no se ajustan ni se corresponden, los Nombres y los Hechos no hablarían el uno del y sobre el otro. Y, se hablaría Mal.

Ya hemos dicho que Hablar-Mal es posible. Y más aún: el Decir puede ser el mismo Mal si a este no le antecede la Virtud. Y esa misma posibilidad implica su efectividad y realidad. Es posible un Decir no Virtuoso, y más aún: un Decir que no se corresponda con el Hecho. Esto quiere decir no seguir el orden, romper el ajuste, impedir la correspondencia. Por lo tanto, Rito es también Corrección. Ambos a dos se corresponden mutuamente. Pues el Rito implica, necesariamente, Corrección – Zheng 正 -. Pues el Rito es, en sí mismo, la Virtud –De-.

El Hombre que busque la Virtud debe aprender a no Decir sin Rito, a no Decir lo que no es Correcto ni es Adecuado.

El estudioso contemporáneo ha de pensar el Rito de Confucio desde los límites que el Orden preexistente entre Nombres y Hechos ha instituido en la Cuadratura del Orden. El Arte de Gobernar es el Arte de la Virtud, y debe corresponderse con el Orden presente en el Cielo: la Estrella Polar está rodeada de estrellas (2.1.) El Rito vive en coordenadas: Cielo, Tierra y Hombre. Por ello, lo Natural es también el Rito del Lenguaje.

Seguir el Rito significa, así, hablar Bien. Pues el Rito se puede conocer. El Lenguaje que Confucio busco y estudio fue fundamentalmente el Lenguaje Moral, y, así, el Lenguaje Político. El Rito Confuciano es el orden Político y Social de la Dinastía Zhou. Hablar-Bien es pues escuchar lo dicho y no temer preguntar: preguntar sobre el Rito, incansablemente si es preciso. Y más aún, Decir como se Ha-Dicho, con el peso y las luces del pasado, mítico y virtuoso, que sigue el Orden y mantiene fidelidad al Equilibrio de lo Natural.

Seguir Lo-Dicho significo, así, recapitular lo original y lo verdadero. Ningún proyecto social o filosófico era para Confucio posible sin el respeto y la guía del Pasado. Y más aún: Wu Wei, a saber: no infringir los ritos, no alejarse del Rito (2.5). Ahora bien, ¿cómo seguir el Camino – dao -correcto? ¿Cómo dar las guías para un buen uso de los Nombres? La propuesta se encuentra velada en las Analectas. En la sección 13.3. se utiliza por primera vez un termino nuevo y singular, que marcará el curso de las reflexiones en torno a la esencia del Lenguaje, los Nombres y los Hechos, en la China Clásica. La expresión no ofrece, con todo, una respuesta precisa. Afirma: Zheng 正 Ming 名.

El parágrafo sostiene :

  • Zi Lu dijo: El Rey de Wei espera al Maestro para considerar el Gobierno. El Maestro, ¿qué hará primero?
  • Gong Zi dijo: ¡Necesariamente, Rectificar los Nombres!

Zi Lu dijo: ¡Hacer esto! esta fuera de lugar (zi zhi yu ye) ¿Por qué Rectificar?

Gong Zi dijo: ¡Eres simple, You! Un Jun Zi (Hombre Superior o Caballero) en aquellas cosas que no conoce (Zhi) es prudente en sus conclusiones. (Si) los Nombres no son Rectos (Bu Zheng 正) entonces el Decir no puede ser seguido, (si) el Decir no puede ser seguido entonces los Asuntos (de los Hombres: Shi) no tendrán Éxito (Cheng), (Si) los Asuntos no tienen Éxito entonces el Rito y la Música no florecerán, (Si) el Rito y la Música no florecen entonces los Castigos no son apropiados (No tienen Centro: Bu Zhong) (Si) los Castigos no son Apropiados entonces el Pueblo no sabrá (si) mover las manos o los pies. Así, el Jun Zi necesariamente (usa) Nombres para poder Decir, necesariamente Dice para poder Actuar. El Jun Zi en su Decir, no tiene negligencia."

Hemos trascrito el parágrafo entero. La belleza del texto lo merece. Se trata de uno de los documentos más importantes de todos los tiempos en torno a la esencia del Decir. El documento 13.3. de Lun Yu ha sido inclasificable durante mucho tiempo. Sin embargo, la Escuela de Ru siempre sintió atracción por él. Xun Zi analizará el problema y dedicará uno de sus capítulos al asunto. Resulta fascinante leer el manuscrito de Gong Sun Long Zi y Yin Wen Zi bajo su luz.

Zheng 正 EN CONFUCIO

Zheng 正 Ming 名 es una combinación de caracteres extraña, pero novedosa. Zheng 正 Ming 名 puede ser traducido como “Rectificar los Nombres.” El carácter Zheng 正 indica lo Justo, lo Adecuado , lo Recto y lo Correcto. Su forma verbal, que depende de su posición dentro de la frase, puede transcribirse como “Rectificar o Corregir”. Zheng 正 Ming 名 es, así, Rectificar los Nombres, Corregir los Nombres. Rectificar los Nombres es crearlos y transformarlos en Nombres Correctos. Hacer Correctos los Nombres o Rectificarlos es hacer que el Rito, como Camino o Vía, esto es, como Dao, permita un buen uso de los Nombres. El exégeta o el estudioso que se acerque a los textos atribuidos a Confucio no debe por lo tanto considerar en el término Zheng 正, Rectificar o Corregir, como algo separado o independiente de Rito. Si bien en el Pensamiento de la Escuela de los Nombres el término Zheng 正 es una categoría autónoma y que busca ser Lógica, en el marco conceptual del Confucianismo el carácter Zheng 正 está valorado y determinado de antemano: nace del Rito, pues el Rito es lo Correcto. Al ser el Rito el patrón, el fundamento o la razón, Lo-Correcto vive y fluye a través del Rito mismo. Observemos, sin embargo, que Rito y Recto/Correcto no son simples sinónimos. Ambos a dos son constitutivos del sustrato epistemológico y social que debe evitar la Catástrofe en su intento por dominar los Asuntos de los Hombres, esto es: lo social y lo político. Zheng 正, así, indica lo Correcto, lo Recto. Lo que se encuentra en su Lugar Adecuado es lo Correcto.

Este camino fue general en el pensamiento Clásico Chino. A lo largo de nuestro estudio podemos observar como existen tres conceptos fundamentales que rodean y dan forma a lo que podría denominarse Misticismo Filosófico Clásico Chino, que como iremos apuntando a lo largo de nuestra investigación, tolera un movimiento doble y singular: por un lado, vive arraigado en un misticismo radical, inefable y fundamental; por otro lado, incluye una vertiente significativamente práctica, y, así, una reflexión lingüístico-filosófica Pragmática.

Estos tres caracteres – conceptos son:

  1. Rito
  2. Lo-Correcto (o Lo Recto)
  3. el Lugar


Li, el Rito es Atención. Y, así, usar las Cosas de forma correcta. Usar las Cosas y los Nombres de forma Correcta es hacer que Cosas y Nombres estén en su Lugar. Si las Cosas y los Nombres están en su Lugar, habrá Corrección. Así pues, no hay Rito sin Corrección. Y no hay Corrección sin Lugares apropiados. El Lugar es, por lo tanto, el Lugar de sí mismo. Hay un Lugar para cada Cosa y cada Nombre: el Lugar Natural, que solo el Rito puede recuperar y en su evocación y practica, procurar orden y armonía. Por eso, el Rito es usar y, al mismo tiempo, ser usado.

Zheng 正 fue un término de múltiples significaciones. Vive sumergido en un Universo semántico y Vital concreto, e indica un talante ético y político (12.4.) El paragrafo 12.17. lo expone con claridad:

“Ji Kang Zi pregunto a Gong Zi sobre el Gobernar (Zheng 正). Gong Zi le dijo: Gobernar, es Rectificar (Zheng 正) (Si) tú enseñas o diriges con Rectitud (Zheng 正), (entonces) ¿quién se atreverá a no ser Recto (Zheng 正)?"

Wei tiene generalmente tres significados. El primero es Lugar, sitio, o su situación geográfica. El segundo significado indica la categoría social de un Hombre: su posición. El tercer significado significa posición sentada. La Literatura Budista lo utiliza a veces para referir a la Posición del Loto. Lun Yu en su sección 14.26, refiere a Wei dentro del contexto que nos interesa. La enseñanza dice: “Gong Zi dijo: (Si) no estas en tu Lugar, no podrás tener tu Gobierno. Zeng Zi dijo: (Si) El Hombre Superior piensa, (entonces) no saldrá de su Lugar".

Pensar es pues atender a un Lugar y, así, fundar y fundarse.

El Taoísmo afirma que el Hombre, como las Cuatro Estaciones tienen su Lugar. Por ello, debe buscar su Lugar (Qi Wei). Este Lugar es el Lugar. La Escuela de Ru refiere a un Lugar vinculado con el Arte de Gobernar. Es indudable que tal arte fue también el Arte de Decir Correctamente, con precaución y cuidado: ajustando Nombre y Hecho.

La Pragmática Moral de Gong Zi tiene pues diferentes estadios, el primero corresponde con la actividad humana y su capacidad por superarse. El segundo, se encuentra en el mundo del texto y la social. El tercero, es la acción sin pensamiento: la Pureza Moral.

El primer paso a seguir es distinguir y diferenciar nombres, hechos y lugares. El segundo estadio es Ordenar las distinciones realizadas bajo un soporte correcto: por un lado, una gramática epistemológica, que permita una lectura ordenada del Mundo, que transmita en la misma naturaleza biológica de la lectura; y por otro lado, un orden social basado en el Rito y las Virtudes, y, así, un Decir del Rito y no un Rito del Decir . El tercer estadio es la Armonía, que es Conocer a través de los Hombres, una vez se haya aprendido a Decir Correctamente. Este ultimo estadio, de carácter místico, sostiene, así, una instantaneidad, un zas epistémico y moral entre lo que se dice y lo que se hace. Una suerte, pues, de Wu Wei confuciano: un hacer moral sin conciencia. Gong Zi insistió en este nuevo concepto de Inocencia Moral, que se logra, en el mismo camino, y que puede definirse como una suerte de Sabiduría espontanea. El célebre paragrafo 4 del Cap. 2, Wei Zhi, dice de ella :

'Gong Zi dijo: "(Cuando) Yo tenía 15 años y mi Mente (Zhi) estaba en el Estudio (Xue), (cuando tenía) 30 años me asenté, con cuarenta años no tenía más dudas, con 50 años conocía el Mandato del Cielo, con 60 mi oído era obediente, con 70 años mi Mente (Xin) estaba de acuerdo con mis Deseos, y no transgredía las normas.'

El final del proceso resume un logro difícil de clasificar y ciertamente difícil de entender. La Filosofía Occidental remite, en este caso, a lo que, por ausencia de sistematización, y no de conceptos, al pensamiento Religioso, y, de este modo, al término Santidad. La brevedad de la ultima sentencia de tres caracteres de 2.2. sintetiza la idea más aún:

“Xi wu Ya.” “Pensar sin-tener Maldad-en-las-Palabras.”

Esta es la esencia del Camino (Dao) confuciano: seguir el Camino y no alejarse de Él. Este Camino es el sendero hacia la verdadera sabiduría, que es Acción Correcta sin reflexión, Rito sin ritual, ejemplaridad sin conciencia, Decir Recto sin Ignorancia: Armonía. El Wu Wei es un concepto fundamentalmente taoísta. Sin embargo, se encuentra formulado ya en el texto de Gong Zi. Cuando el Taoísmo funda, textual y filosóficamente, su Doctrina y sus textos sagrados, las sugerencias presentes en Gong Zi han sido ya meditadas e interpretadas. Si la reacción taoísta al Confucianismo realmente existió, este simple hecho cronológico, testimonia ya cómo el pensar se desarrolla por caminos que otros ya habían inaugurado. Y más aún, como el diseño conceptual de una tradición filosófica discurre por la lectura, la meditación y la toma de postura. Por otro lado, la dialéctica de los capítulos espurios de Long, en especial, su último tratado, apunta una suerte de Teoría de la Correspondencia que puede contener algún origen ético-ontológico.

Zheng 正 adquiere una importancia clave en el pensamiento Budista Chino. Las veneradas palabras de Buda, que iluminan, y que llegan a nosotros transmitidas y dictadas desde el corazón y el miedo a la perdida definitiva, por aquellos que le escucharon o le vieron, desde el Recuerdo y la Memoria, en el Primer Concilio (480 a. C), testimonian ya, un uso preciso del término Pali samma, a saber: Zheng 正. Ocho, son los Caminos que el Sabio sigue para alcanzar la Iluminación y lograr la Aniquilación del Yo, sin tal Aniquilación . Ocho, repetimos, son los Sentidos que deben transformarse en Rectos Sentidos. Ocho, pues, son las dificultades y los errores que han de superarse y, por ello, Rectificarse. Zheng 正, así, se realiza así en la relación del ser humano consigo mismo:

  1. (Mandarín y Chino Clásico) Zheng 正 Jian (Pali: samma ditthi) , la Correcta Visión o la Recta comprensión (de las Cosas), que hace considerar la Verdadera Razón o Fundamento de las Cosas y conduce al Camino Correcto.
  2. (Mandarín y Chino Clásico) Zheng 正 Si Wei (Pali: samma sankappa), o el Correcto y Unico Pensamiento o Recto Pensamiento y Motivación, que se debe a la depuración de Pensamientos Malos y que busca la Pureza de Pensamiento.
  3. (Mandarín y Chino Clásico) Zheng 正 Yu (Pali: samma vaca), el Correcto Lenguaje o las Correctas palabras o el Recto Modo de expresión,
  4. (Mandarin y Chino Clásico) Zheng 正 Ye (Pali: samma kammanta), el Correcto Trabajo o Recta Acción, que hace que las Palabras y el cuerpo actuen siguiendo la Virtud.
  5. (Mandarin y Chino Clásico) Zheng 正 Ming 名 (Pali: samma ajiva), el Correcto Modo de Vida.
  6. (Mandarin y Chino Clásico) Zheng 正 Jing (Pali: samma vayama), la Correcto o Recto Esfuerzo.
  7. (Mandarin y Chino Clásico) Zheng 正 Nian (Pali: samma sati), el Correcto Pensamiento o la Recta Atención.
  8. (Mandarin y Chino Clásico) Zheng 正 Ding (Pali: samma samadhi), la Correcta Serenidad o Recta Concentración, limpieza de cuerpo y de mente, puerta a la Correcta Meditación, .

Lo Orgánico, inseparable de la Mente, es el Lugar donde lograr el Rito Supremo, que el Budismo denomina, al igual que el Taoismo, Iluminación (Ming 名). A través de la Meditación, que debe ser Recta, pero no rígida, como la espalda misma en la postura del Loto, el Budismo topa de nuevo con el Misterio de lo Recto y la Corrección de los Sentidos. Si los ocho errores se rectifican y se transforman en las Ocho Rectitudes, se logrará el Recto Despertar. La Meditación Confucianista nace mucho después de la Meditación Budista y busca otros objetivos. Sin embargo, el samma 3 refiere de nuevo a la prudencia en las palabras. Ciertamente, dentro del pensamiento de Gong Zi el término Zheng 正 incluye nuevos valores espirituales, tal vez más prácticos, y alejados, en un sentido aún por determinar, del modo de entender el Mundo y la vida espiritual Budista. Hemos de admitir, sin embargo, que el Zheng 正 Confuciano puede ser heredero del samma del Primer Concilio Budista.

Li Ji, colección de textos antiguos, que data del siglo I a. C, refiere ya a la Expresión Zheng 正 Ming 名. Dice: “El Emperador Amarillo Rectifico los Nombres y los 10.000 seres, y, así, ilumino al Pueblo.” (p-20).Zheng 正 Ming 名 es Rectificar los Nombres y por ello, Rectificar las Cosas (Zheng 正 Ming 名 Wu). Se trata, así, de Discutir (Bian) sobre el Fundamento (Li) de las Cosas (Wu), y de este modo, Rectificar sus Nombres. Esto quiere decir Nombrar las Cosas como si estas fuesen Verdaderas (Ming 名 Wu Ru Qi Zhen). Zhuang Zi, comienza la sección 2 del Cap. Tian Xia, recuperando el contenido (Dao) de Las Crónicas, la Música, o los Cambios del Yin y el Yang. Y refiere, al final, el contenido de La Primavera y el Otoño. Dice : “La Primavera y el Otoño usan el Camino de los Nombres y las Distinciones” .

Ahora bien, si este Camino era el de la Rectificación de los Nombres y, así, de las Cosas y su vez, el Camino de los Nombres y las Distinciones, ¿cómo se realizaba ese Camino?

Ya hemos sugerido tres de los conceptos fundamentales que a modo de instrumentos hermenéuticos deben ser guías en la dilucidación de esta puesta en practica, moral y epistemológica. Gong Zi no responde en Lun Yu: sugiere, atisba, propone. La sección 6.25. lo indica del siguiente modo: “Si Gu no es Gu, ¿cómo puede ser Gu? ¿cómo puede ser Gu?”

Como vemos, Gong Zi no hace una referencia explícita al asunto. Dice algo no dicho. La esencia de lo que dice, o lo que quiere decir, se encuentra suspendida en el modo en cómo lo dice. La gramática de Gong Zi implica ya un orden en si misma y en aquello de lo que dice. Gu es Gu. Gu no puede ser otra cosa que no sea Gu. Por eso su Gu no es No-Gu. Si los Nombres y los hechos no se corresponden, ¿qué serian los Nombres? ¿qué serian las cosas? ¿cómo podríamos usar las cosas y los nombres? Y lo que es más importante. ¿qué seria de los Hombres?

El proyecto Confuciano busco a su vez re-encontrar ese Lugar, perdido, y que se identifica con un pasado original: la Dinastía Zhou, en donde el mismo Lugar habitaba por sí solo y el Rito era Natural, y que es posible conocer, a través de los Textos. Hasta el momento hemos hablado muy poco de la Armonía. Hemos dicho, eso sí, que en el Desorden y el Caos habita lo No-Armónico, lo que no se ajusta, lo que no está en Equilibrio. Por la guía de estas reflexiones hemos advertido que Zheng 正 tiene un funcionamiento doble: en primer lugar, y en un sentido conceptual, ya que se instituye, real y de forma activa, como un nuevo carácter, un uso preciso y definido: Zheng 正 es Lo Recto, y más aún, la Rectificación; en segundo lugar, y en lo que podríamos denominar, un sentido instrumental, indica y propone una respuesta y un proyecto, a saber: el Proyecto de Corrección, y por ende, una búsqueda de Reajuste.

Desconocemos, sin embargo, si hubo efectivamente una toma de conciencia general con respecto a estos dos nuevos modos en que Zheng 正 se crea y redefine. Con todo, podemos advertir ya, como, trás la superficie de los pocos fragmentos que refieren a la Rectificación y la Corrección, subyace lo que se puede denominar una nueva concepción de lo que hay Bajo el Cielo, el Imperio (TianXia). Con la introducción de la expresión Zheng 正 Ming 名 se codifica un modo novedoso de pensar: se sugiere la existencia de una relación entre Nombres y Hecho, entre lo dicho y lo que hay, y más aún, se sostiene que hay un camino por donde el Hombre debe aprender a domar el Caos, el mal uso de los Ritos y el Error. Esta vinculación entre Nombre y Hecho carece, sin embargo, de la ferocidad epistemológica y también Teológica que preocupo tanto a los filósofos de Occidente.

Ahora bien, ¿a que feroz preocupación nos estamos refiriendo? Nos referimos a la que podriamos denominar Querella sobre la Anterioridad, temporal o Lógica, entre el Nombre o el Lenguaje y el Hecho de la Filosofía Occidental. El problema de la Anterioridad ciertamente existió en la China Clásica, pero careció de la importancia y el armazón teórico que se le dio en Occidente , o al menos así parece. No se disponen de documentos suficientes para aventurarse en otras suposiciones. Además, la visión de conjunto que la lectura cuidadosa y previsora de los textos clásicos de los Estados Guerreros permite, excluye la posibilidad de una interpretación dialéctica en torno al asunto. No abundan los detalles textuales ni puede permitírsenos opiniones más venturosas sin caer en la mera invención.

Decir, así, que Zheng 正 implica una toma de postura filosófica que acepta de antemano el Problema de la Anterioridad es algo ciertamente ilegitimo. Es cierto que Zheng 正 implica una mirada nostálgica hacia el pasado, que como criterio regulador, indica lo que es Correcto e Incorrecto. Lo que podríamos llamar una ingenuidad mítica, no concluirá nunca en preguntas como las que el mismo Hesíodo formula. Existe, eso sí, un interés instintivo por el Origen de donde viene todo lo que hay o qué fue lo primero que existió. Pero el pensamiento de Gong Zi es fundamentalmente Pragmático y, de este modo, Social. La pregunta de Gong Zi puede ser formulada del siguiente modo: ¿qué hacer con el presente? Gong Zi responde: Gobernarlo.

Gong Zi busca pues una fórmula práctica desde la que Hacer Correctamente. Zheng 正 no es un concepto, repetimos, autonomo y lejano, inasequible e inatrapable. Zheng 正 Ming 名 es Zheng 正 Zheng 正: Rectificar los Nombres es Rectificar el Gobierno (12.17).

El mal llamado Intelectualismo Confuciano se debe a su profundo interes y veneración por lo que hace socialmente y beneficia al pueblo. Hacer en Confucio remite a tres conceptos de profundo interés, a saber: Yong, He y Dao. Nos dice el recuerdo de Confucio en su primer capitulo, parragrafo 12:

“Li zhi yong, he wei gui”.

Esto es: (1.12):“En el uso del Rito, la armonía es considerada valiosa” (Versión Literalista).

ARMONIA EN GONG ZI

Yong significa “Usar”. A menudo ha sido traducido como “conducting”, esto es: conducir, dirigir, guiar. Su sentido implica una actividad práctica, orientada a lo social y lo que da Beneficio. Un buen Uso o un Uso Correcto es Beneficio, un Mal uso o un Uso Incorrecto es Perdida. Así sostiene Gong Zi y recapitula Xun Zi. El Beneficio se sostiene en un Orden mientras la Perdida en un Desorden. El Beneficio o la Perdida, se dan en lo Social, y repercuten siempre en los asuntos humanos (Shi). Por ello, Li zhi Yong significa “El uso de los Ritos (o el Rito)”, pero no indica un aspecto cuantitativo, sino cualitativo de la acción. El Uso del Rito significa así la destreza moral y la habilidad ética y social en torno a la esencia del Rito.

Ahora bien, ¿cuál es la esencia del Rito? ¿qué hay en el Rito que debe usarse y que permite el Orden Social? La esencia a la que Gong Zi se refiere no es otra más que He, a saber: la armonía. No hay un uso o guía de los Ritos adecuada sin Armonía. Gong Zi no dice Adecuada, sino Gui, valiosa, un término que se aleja de nuevo de la conceptualización barata de occidente. El uso de caracteres clásicos en un tema apasionante en este sentido. Lo valioso es lo que da beneficio. La Armonia o He se observa en lo Natural (Ziran). Está enraizada con la Acción y florece en las palabras del Hombre Benevolente (Ren). Las cosmologia Confuciana la nombra en su relación directa con el Cielo (Tian), y, de este modo, con las 4 estaciones . Las Cuatro Estaciones (shi) son también los Cuatro Lugares, las Cuatro Direcciones (Lun Yu, 1.5). La Cuaternidad es el Mundo, que Cuadrado.

El Dao de Gong Zi es diferente del Dao del Taoísmo o el Dao de los Legalistas. Dao es un carácter es un caracter múltiple. Su sentido, que analizaremos más tarde, puede decirse que es doble:

  1. apunta una regla a seguir y
  2. indica el Camino espiritual acorde con lo Natural.

Este ultimo sentido se mantenido siempre inalterable y se sostiene, es inmemorial. El Dao de Gong Zi tiene unas características específicas. Refiere, fundamentalmente, al Gobierno, y más aún, al Gobierno no solo del Imperio, sino, también, de los Asuntos humanos (Lun Yu, 1.5: Dao...; 1.12: Xian Wang zhi Dao; . El Dao de Gong Zi es un Dao del Gobierno y del Rito, que incluye procedimiento de inducción y deducción fundamentalmente ético

La Lectura es una suerte de Escucha en Confucio. Las preguntas que el Hombre Superior debe hacer y debe hacerse, sin vergüenza, cuando se pregunta sobre el Rito, encuentran respuesta en los Libros, los Textos, los Documentos. Se debe, pues, leer y escuchar y preguntar. Pues solo es posible un Buen Rito con una Buena Escucha. Por ello, preguntar es el primer paso en la practica del Rito (Lun Yu:2:23) Como hemos visto hasta aquí las sentencias de Confucio admiten el doble sentido. Siendo claras, pueden resultar oscuras. Toleran la Interpretación ortodoxa, y, sin embargo, sus sentidos son multiples. Las sentencias son un testimonio ejemplar de una erudición fundada en la busqueda de sabiduria. Un Decir autentico y contundente. Y, así, de armonía. El estilo de Confucio lo testimonia. Una serie de sentencias, que son la enseñanza en si misma, son lo que podriamos llamar aforismos confucianos. En las Analectas existe un juego semantico y sintactico peculiar. Un orden en el numero de caracteres; una estructura matematica en la sintaxis; preguntas retoricas; “Golpes semantico-morales” de sentencia, que hace asentir y quedar perplejo; referencia a textos antiguos; omisión de un sujeto implicito.

El mismo estilo de Lun Yu hay, pues, un Decir, que está representado en la misma frase, como un conjunto unitario, que sentencia y dicta. ¿Hay pues un modo de leer Confuciano? Lo hay. El Lector debe saber leer, las tautologías que no son tautológicas, sino correspondencias y ajuste. Las partículas finales, que indican una sorpresa filosófica y tienen una clara dirección pedagógica...

La Teoría de la existencia deliberada de una gramática confuciana es una suposición discutible. Por ejemplo, el hecho, aceptado, de que Gong Zi no escribiese las Analectas. La gramática de Lun Yu descansa sobre la Escucha de los Discípulos, sobre una tradición y no sobre el acto de escribir del autor. Leemos lo dicho y lo escuchado. No lo escrito.

El Proyecto Onto-Lingüístico de Gong Zi fue pesimista y al tiempo realista. Y es, en algunos aspectos, epistemológicamente circular. Por otro lado, a lo largo de las Analectas es fácil descubrir una suerte de nostalgia. Gong Zi parece extrañar un Decir que es Verdadero. Allá lejos, pero que es posible de encontrar. Gong Zi dice poco sobre la Sabiduría. Se interesa más por el medio para alcanzarla. Adjetivos, generalmente Virtudes y Silencios, éticos y numinosos, como la Sabiduría misma, componen las sentencias del Lun Yu y conforman, en un estilo claro y severo, la posibilidad real, de encontrar lo Maravilloso y lo valioso, en un mundo en donde el Orden se ha perdido.

Los caracteres Zheng 正 Ming 名, que proponen la responsabilidad lingüística como fundamento del orden social, serán ignorados largamente, hasta que Xun Zi, el gran pesimista de la Academia de Ji Xia, en una relectura brillante, inaugura su capitulo 22, con el mismo título, uno de los textos más importantes de la reflexion china en torno al lenguaje y al decir. Zheng 正 Ming 名, el texto de Xun Zi, es de una belleza asombrosa. Sus reflexiones en torno a la esencia del Decir de Gong Zi son unas de las más hermosas de toda la Historia del Pensar Clásico Chino. Su ultima sentencia incluye un carácter confuciano de gran interés: Zhi – el cuidado - . Este cuidado, resume, tal vez, la esencia del camino propuesto por Gong Zi en Lun Yu. Dice:

Ser Cuidadoso con las palabras.'

Esta es, quizá, la enseñanza fundamental que a Confucio le hubiese gustado que perdurase y fuese la esencia trasmitida del concepto de Rito.

ADDENDA: TRADUCCION DE R. WILHEM

The Life of Confucius according to the historical account of Sse-ma Ch'ien

Translated into German by Richard Wilhelm

Rendered into English, with consultation of the Chinese original by George H. Danton and Annina Periam Danton

Originally published as Chapter 1 of Richard Wilhelm, Confucius and Confucianism, New York: 1931


Confucius was born in the State of Lu, in the District of Ch'ang P'ing, in the city of Chou. His ancestor was from the State of Sung and was called K'ung Fang-shu. Fang-shu begat Po-hsia. Po-hsia begat Shu-Liang Ho. Late in life, Ho was united in matrimony with the daughter of the man, Yen, and begat Confucius. His mother prayed to the hill, Ni, and conceived Confucius. It was in the twenty-second year of Duke Hsiang of Lu that Confucius was born (551 B.C.). At his birth, he had on his head a bulging of the skull, whence he is said to have received the name "Hill" (Ch'iu). His style or appellation was Chung Ni, his family name K'ung. When he was born, his father, Shu-Liang Ho, died. He was buried on the mountain Fang. The mountain Fang lies eastward from Lu. Therefore Confucius was in doubt as to the place of the grave of his father; for his mother kept silence toward him regarding it.

Confucius was always wont to set up sacrificial vessels in his childish play, and to imitate ceremonial gestures. When the mother of Confucius died, he buried her temporarily near the Way of the Five Fathers, so great was his circumspection. When the mother of Wan Fu of Chou later instructed Confucius concerning the place of the grave of his father, he went thither and buried the two bodies together on the mountain of Fang.

While Confucius was still wearing mourning, Baron Chi gave a banquet for the notables. Confucius also attended. Then Yang Hu took him to task, and said: "Baron Chi has prepared a banquet for the notables; he has not the honour of inviting you." Thereupon, Confucius withdrew.

When Confucius was seventeen years old, the Minister Mêng Hsi-tze of Lu fell ill, and was nigh unto death (2). Then he summoned his heir, I-tze, and said: "K'ung Ch'iu is the descendant of a philosopher who was slain in Sung. His ancestor, Fu Fu Ho, had the first claim to the throne of Sung, and as heir he yielded to Duke Li. Chêng Ch'ao-fu (3) was then serving the Dukes Tai, Wu, and Hsüan. Thrice he received ever higher honours, and became therefrom but the more modest. Thus he wrote upon his tripod: 'On the occasion of the first honour, I bowed my head; at the second, I bent my shoulders; and at the third, I walked stooped over. I slink along the wall; thus no one ventures to cast blame upon me. In this utensil I cook my porridge; in it I cook my grits, to still my hunger.' So filled with modesty was he. I have heard that the descendants of a philosopher, even when they do not find a suitable position in their own times, yet finally attain their goal. Now K'ung Ch'iu is still young and loves decorum. Might he be the one for whom success is destined? When I am no more, you must take him as your teacher."

When then Mêng Hsi-tze had died, I-tze and Nan-Chung Ching-shu of Lu went to him to learn decorum of him.

In the same year, Baron Chi Wu died, and Ping Tze was put in his place. Confucius was poor and of low estate, and when he grew older he served as a petty official of the family Chi, and while he was in office his accounts and the measures were always correct (4). Thereupon, he was made Chief Shepherd; then the beasts grew in numbers and multiplied.

Therefore he was appointed Minister of Public Works. Finally he left Lu, was abandoned in Ch'i, was driven out of Sung and Wei, suffered want between Ch'en and Ts'ai. Thereupon he returned to Lu. Confucius was nine feet six inches tall. All the people called him a giant and marveled at him. Lu again treated him well; so he returned to Lu (5).

Nan-Chung Ching-shu spoke to the Prince of Lu and said: "I crave permission to go with Confucius to Chou." The Prince of Lu gave them a chariot, two horses, and a servant. Thus they went together to Chou (the residence of the Emperor, at Lo Yang, in Honan) and inquired about the rites. In all probability it was at that time that he saw Lao Tze. When Confucius took leave of Lao Tze, the latter, in parting, spoke to him as follows: "I have heard that rich and noble persons make parting gifts; but good people give words in farewell. I am neither rich nor noble, but I am held a good man, so I should like to give you these words upon your way: Shrewd and clever people are near to death, for they love to pass judgment on others. Those who know a great deal and do things on a large scale endanger their persons, for they disclose the mistakes of mankind. He who is the son of another has nothing for himself; he who is the official of another has nothing for himself."

After Confucius returned from Chou to Lu, his pupils gradually became more numerous. At this time, Duke P'ing of Chin had given himself over to dissipation, and thus the six noble families had gained control of the government, and were fighting the princes of the land in the east. King Ling of Ch'u possessed a military force with which he oppressed the Middle Kingdom. Ch'i was large and close to Lu. Lu was small and weak. If it yielded to Ch'u, Chin became angry. If it yielded to Chin, Ch'u came to attack it. If it did not arm itself against Ch'i, the armies of Ch'i fell upon Lu.

In the twentieth year of Duke Chao of Lu (522 B.C.), Confucius was about thirty years of age. Duke Ching of Ch'i came to Lu in the company of Yen Ying. Duke Ching interrogated Confucius and said: "In antiquity, Duke Mu of Ch'in was alive; his territory was small and remote. How did it come to pass that he gained the hegemony?" Confucius replied.- "Although the State of Ch'in was small, its will was great; although the place was remote) its conduct was simple and correct. The Duke personally raised Po-Li Hsi to the five rams, and ennobled him to the rank of a great official, and elevated him while he was still in chains (6). He spoke with him for three days; then he gave the reins of government into his hands. In this manner, he himself could have gained control of the royal power. That he obtained nothing more than the hegemony was but little." Duke Ching rejoiced.

When Confucius was thirty-five years old (517 B.C.), Baron P'ing of Chi fell into disfavour with Duke Chao of Lu because of a cock fight with Hou Shao Po. Duke Chao led an army in order to chastise Baron P'ing. But Baron P'ing united with the two other great families, Mêng and Shu-Sun, and together they attacked Duke Chao. The army of Duke Chao was defeated, and he himself fled to Ch'i. And the State of Ch'i harbored Duke Chao in Kan Hou. When, soon after this, disorders arose in Lu, Confucius betook himself to Ch'i, and entered the service of Baron Kao Chao, with the intention of thereby forming a connection with Duke Ching.

He discoursed with the Chief Music-Master of Chi on the subject of music. He heard the tones of the Shao music, he learned them, and for three months he forgot the taste of meat (7).

People of Ch'i spoke of him with praise; Duke Ching thereupon questioned him regarding the government. Confucius said: "Let the prince be prince, the servant servant, the father father, the son son." Duke Ching replied: "That is an excellent answer: if the prince be not prince, and the servant not servant; if the father be not father, and the son not son; even though I have my revenue, how could I enjoy it!" (8)

On another day, he again questioned Confucius about the government. Confucius replied: "Governing consists in being sparing with the resources." Duke Ching rejoiced, and wished to grant Confucius the fields of Ni Ch'i as a fief. Then Yen Ying interfered and said: "Scholars are smooth and sophisticated; they cannot be taken as a norm; they are arrogant and conceited; they cannot be used to guide the lower classes. They attach a great importance to mourning; they emphasize the lamentations, and waste their substance on magnificent funerals; they cannot be used as regulators of manners. They travel about as advisers in order to enrich themselves; they cannot be used in the ruling of the state. Since the great sages have passed away and the House of Chou has degenerated, rites and music have become defective and incomplete. Now Confucius splendidly forms the rules of behavior, increases the ceremonies of reception and departure, and the customs in walking and in bowing, so that many generations would not be enough to exhaust his teachings. Years would not suffice to plumb his rules of decorum. If you wish to use him to change the manners of Ch'i, this is not the correct way to lead the common people." After that time, Duke Ching continued to receive Confucius, always, to be sure, with great respect, but he no longer questioned him concerning decorum (9).

At another time, Duke Ching detained Confucius and said: "I cannot settle such fiefs upon you as have been settled upon the Chi family. I will treat you in a manner that lies between the position of the Chi family and the Mêng family (10).

The dignitaries of Chi wanted to destroy Confucius. Confucius heard of it. Duke Ching said: "I am too old. I can no longer use him." Thereupon, Confucius departed and returned to Lu.

When Confucius was forty-two years old (510 B.C.), Duke Chao of Lu died in Kan Hou. And Duke Ting succeeded him.

After Duke Ting had occupied the throne for five years, Baron P'ing of Chi died during the summer, and Baron Huan succeeded him (505 B.C.).

Baron Huan of Chi dug a well. During the digging they found an earthen vessel which contained something resembling a sheep. They questioned Chung Ni (Confucius), and said: "A dog has been found." Chung Ni said: "According to my opinion, it must be a sheep. The spirits of the trees and stones are ch'ui (monopods) and wang liang; the spirits of the water are the dragon (lung) and wang hsiang; the spirit of the earth is the sheep fên (11).

The State of Wu fought the State of Yüeh and destroyed the mountain Kuai Chi (upon which, in the year 494 B.C., the capital of Yüeh was situated). There they found a bone of such a size that it filled an entire wagon. The State of Wu sent a messenger to Chung Ni (Confucius) to ask why the bone was so large. Chung Ni answered: "When Yü assembled all the gods on the mountain Kuai Chi, Fang Fêng arrived too late. Yü had him killed, and exhibited the body. His bones were all so large that they filled a whole wagon. That is why this bone is so large." The stranger asked: "Who were those gods?" Chung Ni replied: "The gods of the mountains and streams are able to regulate the world. Those to whom sacrifices are made are gods. Those who possess the altars of the earth and of grain are princes (12). They are all subject to the king." The stranger asked: "What position did Fang Fêng hold?" Chung Ni replied: "He was the prince of Wang Wang, and he had the sacrifices of the mountains Fêng and Yü. He belonged to the clan of Hsi. Under the dynasties of Yü, Hsia and Shang, the land was called Wang Wang; under the Chou Dynasties, it was called 'the long Ti'; today they are called the giants." (13)

The stranger asked: "What is the stature of man's body?" Chung Ni answered: "The Chiao Yao are three feet high; that is the extreme of smallness. The tallest men are at most ten times as tall as this."

Thereupon, the stranger of Wu said: "Magnificent! He is a philosopher."

A favorite of Baron Huan, by the name of Chung Liang-huai, was at enmity with Yang Hu. Yang Hu wished, therefore, to drive, out Huai. But Kung-Shan Pu-niu prevented him. In the succeeding autumn, Huai was still more arrogant. Then Yang Hu took him prisoner (505 B.C.). Baron Huan grew angry, and Yang Hu imprisoned him. Baron Huan swore an oath; thereupon, he set him free. From that time on, Yang Hu had an ever greater contempt for the House of Chi, while the House of Chi, for its part, usurped the prerogatives of the ducal house. Subordinate vassals had gained the power of the state (14). Thus, in the State of Lu, from the highest dignitaries down, every one was grasping of power, and all had departed from the true way.

Therefore Confucius accepted no office. He lived in retirement, and arranged the odes, the records, the rites and music. And his pupils grew ever greater in number, while from all sides, from far distant regions, disciples flocked to him.

In the eighth year of Duke Ting (502 B.C.), Kung-Shan Pu-niu felt himself injured by the Chi family. On this account, Yang Hu stirred up rebellion, and wished to dethrone the descendants of the three princely clans (Chi, Mêng, and Shu-Sun), and to put in their place the collateral branches, with which Yang Hu had always stood well. Thereupon he took Baron Huan of Chi captive. But Huan succeeded in escaping through strategy.

In the ninth year of Duke Ting (501 B.C.), Yang Hu fled to Ch'i, because he had not been victorious. In that year Confucius was fifty years old. Kung-Shan Pu-niu, supported by the city of Pi, rebelled against the Chi family. He sent a messenger to summon Confucius. Confucius, who, for a long time, had been following truth, and was experienced in it, had, up to this moment, never had an opportunity for official activity, since no one was in a position to make use of him; so he said: "The founders of the Chou Dynasty, King Wên and King Wu, had their beginnings in Fêng and Hao, and succeeded in founding a kingdom. Now Pi is, of course, but a small place, but perhaps, even so, much may be possible." He wished to go thither. His disciple, Tze Lu, was displeased and prevented Confucius. Confucius said: "It can surely not be chance that he has summoned me! If he understands how to make use of me, perhaps there can be made of him an eastern Chou! But in the end he did not go after all (15). Afterwards Duke Ting appointed Confucius ruler of the middle district (Chung Tu). At the end of a year his neighbours on all sides took him as a model. From the management of Chung Tu, he was advanced to the post of Minister of Public Works. From Minister of Public Works, he was advanced to the post of Minister of Justice.

In the spring of the tenth year of Duke Ting (500 B.C.), Confucius made peace with the State of Ch'i. In the summer, the dignitary, Li Ch'u of Ch'i, said to Duke Ching: "Lu has appointed K'ung Ch'iu to office; his power is growing dangerous." So Ch'i sent an ambassador to Lu, to invite the prince to a friendly gathering. The gathering was to take place in Chia Ku. Duke Ting wished to go thither in a simple chariot, as if to a friendly reunion. Confucius, who was acting Chancellor, said: "I have heard that when one has peaceful business, one must make martial preparations for it, and when one has martial business, one must make peaceful preparations for it. When the princes leave the boundaries of their territories, they must take with them their entire official retinue. So I beg you also to take the Marshal of the Right as well as the Marshal of the Left." Duke Ting said: "Yes," and commanded his Marshals of the Right and of the Left to accompany him. Thus he met with the Prince of Ch'i in Chia Ku.

A terrace was built, to which a threefold staircase led. Then the princes met together, according to the rites, for a meeting. After the princes had bowed, and each had offered the other precedence, they mounted the steps. After the ceremony was concluded, in which each drank to the other, an official of Chi advanced and said: "I beg that the music of the four cardinal points be performed." Duke Ching agreed. Thereupon a crowd appeared, decked in feathers and tails, with feathers and fu utensils, spears and lances, swords and shields, and these advanced amid drumbeat and outcry.

Confucius hastened forward, rushing up the steps. On the step before the last, he stood still, raised his sleeve, and said: "Our two princes are here for a friendly meeting. What business has the music of barbarians here? I beg that instructions be given to the officers of the day that the officers of the day scatter these dancers." When they did not depart, the entire company turned its gaze upon Yen Ying and Duke Ching. Duke Ching was inwardly ashamed and caused the musicians to be removed.

After a time, an official of Ch'i appeared and said: "I request that the music of the inner palace be performed." Duke Ching consented, and there appeared jugglers and dwarfs, with their dances. Confucius hastened forward, rushing up the steps. On the step before the last, he stood still and said: "It is a crime meriting death that such fellows dare to disturb the princes. I beg that instructions be given to the officers of the day that the officers of the day carry out the punishments." Then hands and feet flew about separated (16).

Then Duke Ching was frightened and was aroused, since he knew that he had not behaved quite correctly. After his return, he became very much worried, scolded his officials, and said: "In Lu they uphold their prince after the manner of the sages. You, through your barbaric actions, have brought it about that I have put myself in the wrong with respect to the Prince of Lu. What can we do?" An official stepped forward and replied: "If a person of noble character has committed a fault, he excuses himself by means of something actual; if a person of low character has committed a fault, he excuses himself with words alone. If you have regrets, excuse yourself by means of an actual deed." Thereupon the Prince of Ch'i, in order to make good his fault, returned the territories Yün, Wên Yang, and Kuei Yin, which he had stolen from the State of Lu.

In the summer of the thirteenth year of Ting (497 B.C.), Confucius spoke to Prince Ting: "Among the officials, there must be none who have concealed stores of weapons; among the dignitaries, there must be none who possess cities with walls more than three thousand feet long." Confucius had his disciple, Chung Yu, made steward of the Chi family, with the intention of razing the city walls of the cities of the three dans. Thereupon, the Shu-Sun family first dismantled the walls of Hou. The Chi family was about to raze the walls of Pi, but Kung-Shan Pu-niu and Shu-Sun Ch'ê put themselves at the head of the citizens of Pi and fell upon the Duke of Lu and the three barons. These latter retreated into the fortress of the Chi family, and mounted the tower of Baron Wu. The citizens of Pi attacked them, but could not overcome them. Yet there were some who forced their way into the vicinity of the duke (17).

Then Confucius commanded Shên Chü-hsü and Yüeh Ch'i to fight against them. The citizens of Pi were conquered, and the state troops pursued them and annihilated them near Ku Mieh. The two insurgents fled to Ch'i. and the walls of Pi were razed.

When they were about to raze the walls of Ch'êng, then Kung-Lien Ch'u-fu said to the Mêng family: "If the walls of Ch'êng are razed. the people of Ch'i will surely soon arrive at the North Gate. And Ch'êng is the fortress of the Mêng family. Without Ch'êng, there will be no Mêng family. I will not let the walls be razed." In the twelfth month, the duke beleaguered the city of Ch'êng, but could not take it.

In the fourteenth year of Duke Ting (496 B.C.), Confucius was fifty-six years old, and received the post of Acting Chancellor, after having been Minister of Justice. He appeared pleased. Then his disciples said: "We have heard that the Sage, when ill-fortune approaches, does not fear, and when good fortune approaches, does not rejoice." Confucius said: "Yes, there is such a saying. But is there not another saying: 'He delights, as a superior man, to condescend in the presence of inferiors?'"

Thereupon he executed, from among the dignitaries of Lu, the trouble-maker, Shao-Chêng Mao (18).

After Confucius had conducted the government of the state for three months, the sellers of lambs and of suckling pigs no longer falsified their prices, and men and women walked on different sides of the road. Lost objects were not picked up on the streets. Strangers who came from all sides did not need to turn to the officials when they entered the city, for all were received as if they were returning to their own homes.

The people of Ch'i heard of this, and they were afraid, and said: "Confucius is surely carrying on the government in such a fashion that he will obtain the hegemony. If he has the hegemony, we shall be the first to be annexed, because our land lies nearest. It is probably wise for us to offer him some territory." Li Ch'u said: "I beg that he first be hindered. If the hindrance is of no avail, there is always time to offer him territory." Thereupon they chose eighty of the most beautiful maidens of Chi, dressed them in magnificent garments, and had them practice the dances to the music of K'ang; besides this, they chose thirty sets of four magnificent horses, and sent them as a gift to the Prince of Lu.

The female musicians and the splendid steeds were exhibited in front of the South High Gate of the capital of Lu. Baron Huan of Chi went thither two or three times incognito to see them. He was in favor of accepting them, and talked on the subject to the prince, suggesting that the latter pass that way on a drive. The prince went to behold, and remained the whole day. He neglected the government.

Tze Lu said: "Master, we can go." Confucius said: "Today Lu celebrates the sacrificial feast in the open space before the city. If the dignitaries are given the customary gift of sacrificial meat, I can, in spite of what has occurred, remain."

In the end, Baron Huan of Ch'i actually accepted the dancing girls who had been sent as a present, and for three days all the business of government ceased. Besides this, the customary gifts of sacrificial meat were not sent to the dignitaries. Thereupon, Confucius departed (19).

He passed the night in Tun. The Music-Master, I, escorted him and said: "Master, no blame attaches to you." The Master said: "Shall I sing you a song?" The song ran as follows:

"O the singing of these women Has driven me from here O the coming of these women Brings death and ruin! O Woe! O Wandering! Even unto life's end!" The Music-Master, I, returned home. Baron Huan said: "What, then, did Confucius say?" The Music-Master, I, reported it to him in accordance with the truth. Then Baron Huan sighed deeply and said: "The Master ascribes to me the blame for these female slaves!" Thereupon, Confucius betook himself to the State of Wei, and dwelt in the house of the brother of the wife of his disciple, Tze Lu, whose name was Yen Cho-tsou.

Duke Ling of Wei questioned Confucius as to what salary he had received in Lu. Confucius replied: "I received 60,000 bushels of grain." Thereupon, in Wei, likewise, he was given 60,000 bushels of grain.

After some time, a certain man traduced Confucius to Duke Ling of Wei. Thereupon, Duke Ling commanded Kung-Sun Yü-chia to accompany Confucius wherever he went. Confucius feared that he had fallen into disfavour, so he left Wei after having been there ten months.

He wished to go to Ch'ên and passed through K'uang. Yen Ko drove his chariot. He pointed with his whip to the city and said: "In former times I came into the city through yonder breach." The citizens of K'uang heard this and thought it was Yang Hu of Lu. Now Yang Hu had cruelly dealt with the citizens of K'uang. Therefore the citizens of K'uang detained Confucius. Confucius resembled Yang Hu in form; therefore they took him prisoner. Five days later, Yen Yüan (the favorite disciple of Confucius) followed. The Master said: "I thought you were dead!" Yen Yüan replied: "So long as the Master lives, I may not die." The people of K'uang kept Confucius in ever stricter confinement. His disciples were terrified. But Confucius said: "Since King Wên is no longer alive, this civilization is entrusted to my care! If Heaven wished to destroy this civilization, a mortal in these later days in which I live would not have attained this stage of civilization. But if Heaven does not wish to destroy this civilization, what can the people of K'uang do to me?" (20)

Confucius had one of his followers enter the service of Ning Wu-tze in Wei, and in this manner he was able to escape.

When he left, he passed through P'u. After something more than a month, he returned to Wei, and lived as a guest in the house of Chü Po-yü.

Among the wives of Duke Ling was one named Nan Tze. She sent a messenger to say to Confucius: "The lords of all the lands that do not disdain to conclude brotherhood with our prince are always accustomed to see my insignificant self. My insignificance desires to see Confucius also." He wished to refuse, but he was not successful, and was obliged to visit her. The lady sat behind a curtain. Confucius entered the door and bowed in the direction of the North. The lady returned the salutation twice behind the curtain, and as she did so her jade ornaments gave forth a clear sound. Confucius said: "I really did not wish to see her. I have seen her, and she returned my greeting with proper decorum."

Tze Lu was displeased. Then Confucius implored him: "Whatever I have done wrong, Heaven forced me to do, Heaven forced me to do!"

After he had sojourned in Wei for about a month, Prince Ling and his wife took a drive in the same chariot into which Yang Chü mounted as the third member of the party, and the prince let Confucius drive behind in a second chariot. Thus they drove around on the open market place.

Confucius said: "I have never seen any one who loved spiritual things as much as a pretty face." Since he found this humiliating, he left Wei (21).

Confucius passed through Ts'ao. In this year Duke Ting of Lu died (495 B.C.). Confucius left Ts'ao and went to Sung. He was practicing the rites with his pupils under a great tree. The Marshal of Sung, Huan T'ui, wished to kill Confucius, and therefore had the tree cut down. Confucius departed. His disciples said: "We will go quickly." Then said Confucius: "Heaven has generated the spirit in me; of what avail is Huan T'ui against me?"

Confucius went to Chêng. There he and his pupils lost each other. Confucius stood alone at the East Gate of the suburb. A man of Chêng said to Tze Kung, the disciple of Confucius: "At the East Gate there stands a man whose brow resembles Yao, whose neck resembles Kao Yao, whose shoulders resemble Tze Ch'an; but from the hips down he is three inches shorter than Yü. He stood there as cast down as a dog in a house of mourning." Tze Kung told the story to Confucius. Confucius laughed joyously and said: "The outer form is a secondary matter, but the similarity with a dog in a house of mourning, that fits, that fits."

Confucius went thereupon to Ch'ên, and dwelt in the house of Chêng Tze, the guardian of the wall. After something more than a year, King Fu Ch'ai of Wu attacked the State of Ch'ên, wrested three cities from it, and then withdrew. Baron Yang of Chao attacked the city Chao Ko. The king of Ch'u beleaguered the capital of Ts'ai. The prince of Ts'ai thereupon transferred his seat to Wu. The king of Wu conquered King Kou Chien of Yüeh near Kuai Chi.

A sparrowhawk settled on the palace of Ch'ên and died. An arrow of the wood of the hou tree, with a stone head, had pierced it. It was one foot eight inches long. Duke Min of Ch'ên sent a messenger to Chung Ni (Confucius) to ask him about it. Chung Ni said: "The sparrowhawk has come from afar; this is an arrow of the Su Shên (22). Once, when King Wu had overcome the Shang Dynasty, he extended his rule to the nine Yi tribes and the hundred Man tribes, and caused them all to appear with the tribute of their country, in order that they might not forget the duties of their station. Then the Su Shên brought arrows of hou wood with stone heads. These were one foot eight inches long. The immortal king wished to show his mighty influence, and lent the arrows of the Su Shên to Ta Chi, married her to Duke Hu, the descendant of Shun of Yü, and gave him Ch'ên as a fief (23). He distributed jade to the blood relatives, in order to secure their allegiance, and he gave to the members of other families tribute gifts from distant regions, in order that they should not forget their submissiveness. Thus he passed on to Ch'ên the arrows of Su Shên." These statements were tested by the old archives, and were found to be actually true.

Confucius dwelt in Ch'ên for three years. It happened that at that time Chin and Ch'u were fighting for the supremacy, and also conquered Ch'ên. Since the State of Wu also fell upon Ch'ên, this state suffered ceaseless plunderings. Confucius said: "Let me go home, let me go home! My young friends are enthusiastic and do things on a large scale (24); they make progress, and are not forgetful of their beginnings." Thereupon, Confucius left the State of Ch'ên. He came through P'u. At that very time, Kung-Shu, relying upon P'u, was in a state of rebellion. The people of P'u detained Confucius. Among his disciples was one by the name of Kung-Liang Ju, who joined Confucius with five of his own chariots. He was of ripe age, competent, and full of courageous strength. He said: "When I formerly joined the Master, we met with difficulties in K'uang. Today we again meet with difficulties here. That is fate. I will fight and die rather than again see the Master caught in difficulties." He fought so fiercely that the people of P'u were afraid and said: "If you do not go to Wei, we will let you go." Thereupon they swore an agreement with him, and let him depart at the East Gate.

Thereupon, Confucius went to Wei. Tze Kung asked: "Is an oath a thing that one may break?" Confucius replied: "It was an extorted oath; such a one the gods do not hear."

When Duke Ling of Wei heard that Confucius was coming, he rejoiced, and went outside the city as far as the open common to meet him. Duke Ling asked him: "Can P'u be attacked?" Confucius replied: "Yes." Duke Ling said: "My dignitaries are of the opinion that it is not possible. Now P'u is the place where Wei must offer resistance to the States of Chin and Ch'u. If now we attack it from Wei, is not that, after all, not feasible?"

Confucius said: "The men there are true unto death; the women think only of guarding the river in the west; at most, there will be four or five against whom we must fight."

Duke Ling said: "Good!" But nevertheless he did not attack P'u. Duke Ling had grown old, and he no longer regarded the government as important; therefore he did not make use of the counsels of Confucius. Confucius sighed and said: "If some one would make use of me, something would be seen in a year and a day; in three years, all would surely be settled. Thereupon, Confucius departed (25).

Pi Hsi was governor of Chung Mou. When Baron Chien of Chou attacked the families of Fan and Chung Hang, he also fought Chung Mou. Pi Hsi rebelled. He sent a messenger to summon Confucius. Confucius wished to go. Tze Lu said: "I have heard the Master say that if any one is himself guilty of wrongdoing the Sage will not associate with him. Now Pi Hsi himself has rebelled in Chung Mou, and yet you wish to go there; how do you reconcile that?" Confucius replied: "Yes, there is such a saying. But is there not another saying: 'That which is hard can be ground without becoming thin'? Is there not yet another saying: 'That which is white can be dipped in a thick and muddy liquid without becoming black'? Am I, then, perhaps a gourd that is hung up without being eaten? (26)

Confucius struck the musical stone. A man carrying a basket was passing the door, and he said: "The one who strikes the musical stone is very serious. But why be so obstinate? If no one knows us, let us give it up and have done with it!" (27)

Confucius learned from the Music-Master, Hsiang Tze, to play the zither. For ten days, Confucius made no progress. The Music-Master, Hsiang Tze, said: "We will try something else." Confucius said: "I have practiced the melody, but I have not yet acquired the rhythm." After a time, the Music-Master said: "Now that you have practiced the rhythm, we will proceed." Confucius said: "I have not yet caught the mood." After a while, the Music-Master spoke again: "Now that you have practiced the mood, we will proceed." Confucius said: "I have not yet ascertained what kind of man composed the music." After a time the Music-Master said: "You are so serious and sunk in thought. You are so cheerful, so full of high hopes, and of an open mood." Confucius said: "Now I know who he is. Dark and black, tall and large. His eyes are those of a ram looking into the distance; his mind is that of a king of the four quarters of the earth. If it was not King Wên, who else could have composed anything like this?" Then the Music-Master, Hsiang Tze, arose from his mat, bowed twice, and said: "According to the tradition of the Music-Masters, it is actually reputed to be a melody by King Wên."

Since Confucius found no use for his services in Wei, he was about to turn west, in order to see Baron Chien of Chao. But when he came to the Yellow River, he heard that Fu Ming-tu and Shun Hua had been killed. He stepped to the river, and sighing said: "How beautiful is the water, how powerful its current! That I shall not cross it, that is fate! " Tze Kung hastened to him and asked: "May I inquire what that signifies?" Confucius replied: "Fu Ming-tu and Shun Hua were the most competent dignitaries of the State of Chin. Before Baron Chien of Chao had attained his goal, he made use of the two men to carry on the government. I have heard that where people cut open mother animals, in order to kill the unborn offspring, the Chi lin does not come to the pasture (28). Where the ponds are drained, in order to catch the fish on dry land, the dragons do not bring into harmony the powers of darkness and of light. Where the nests are destroyed, in order to take out the eggs, thither the phoenixes do not come flying. Why is this? All that is noble avoids the suffering of its own kind. If even birds and beasts know how to restrain themselves in the face of injustice, how should I do otherwise."

Thereupon he turned about, and rested in the market town of Tsou. He composed the song of Tsou, in order to give expression to his grief. Thereupon he returned to Wei, and dwelt in the house of Chü Po-yü.

One day Duke Ling interrogated Confucius concerning battle array. Confucius said: "Concerning the arrangement of sacrificial vessels, I am informed; concerning the arrangement of armies, I have as yet learned nothing." On the following day, Duke Ling had a conversation with Confucius. Then Duke Ling saw a wild goose. He looked up at it, and seemed to be paying no attention to Confucius. Thereupon, Confucius took his departure. He went again to Ch'ên (29).

In the summer of the year 493 B.C., Duke Ling died. His grandson, Chao, succeeded to the throne (30). He was Duke Ch'u of Wei.

In the sixth month, Chiao Yang gave the crown prince, K'uai Wai, a fief in Ch'i. Yang Hu caused the crown prince to put on mourning garb. Eight men, dressed in mourning, came, apparently from Wei. He went weeping to meet them. Thereupon, he settled in the city.

In the winter, the Prince of Ts'ai changed his capital city to Chou Lai. This was the third year of Duke Ai of Lu. Confucius was then sixty years old.

The State of Ch'i helped the State of Wei to beleaguer the city of Ch'i, because the crown prince, K'uai Wai, dwelt there (31).

In the summer, the ancestral temples of the Dukes Huan and Li, of Lu, burned down. Nan-Kung Ching-shu fought the fire. Confucius was in Ch'ên, and heard of this. Then he said: "Misfortune has, of a certainty, befallen the temples of Dukes Huan and Li!" And in truth that had been the case.

In the autumn, Baron Huan of Chi fell ill. He caused himself to be driven out in a chariot, in order once more to view the city walls. Sighing, he said: "There was a time when this state almost reached a peak of prosperity. Because I was at fault with respect to Confucius, therefore my state did not reach a peak of prosperity." Then he turned to his heir, Baron K'ang, and said: "When I die, you will surely become Chancellor in Lu. When you are Chancellor, you must summon Chung Ni." Some days later, Baron Huan died, and Baron K'ang was installed in his place. After the burial, he wished to summon Chung Ni (Confucius). But Kung Chih-yü said: "Once our sainted lord appointed him, but did not carry the affair to a conclusion: thus he brought down upon himself the laughter of the princes. Now, if you appoint him again, and once more cannot carry on to the end, you will become the mock of the princes." Baron K'ang said: "Whom, then, can I summon?" But Kung Chih-yü replied: "You must call Jan Ch'iu to office." So he sent a messenger to summon Jan Ch'iu. As Jan Ch'iu was departing, Confucius said: "When Jan Ch'iu is summoned to Lu, it is not done for small purposes, but for great purposes." On this day, Confucius said: "I want to go home, I want to go home! My young pupils are. enthusiastic and do things on a large scale. They are skilled in all the fine arts. But I do not know how they 'restrict and shape themselves.'" (32) Tze Kung knew that Confucius was thinking of returning home. He accompanied Jan Ch'iu, and warned him, as follows: "When you enter upon your official duties, see to it that Confucius is summoned." Thereupon, Jan Ch'iu departed.

In the following year (491 B.C.), Confucius betook himself from Ch'en to Ts'ai. Duke Chao of Ts'ai wished to go to the State of Wu, since the King of Wu had summoned him. Since Duke Chao had previously deceived his ministers when he changed his capital to Chou Lai, the dignitaries were afraid, when he wished to depart, that he would once more change the position of his capital city. Therefore Kung-Sun P'ien shot him with an arrow. The State of Ch'u invaded Ts'ai. In the autumn, Duke Ching of Ch'i died.

In the following year (489 B.C.), Confucius went from Ts'ai to Shê. The Duke of Shê asked concerning the best manner of governing. Confucius replied: "Governing consists in enticing those from a distance, and in retaining those who are near." (33)

On the next day the Duke of Shê questioned Tze Lu about Confucius. Confucius heard this and said: "Yu, why did you not reply: he is a man who learns truth without growing weary, who instructs mankind without becoming disgusted, who is so zealous that he forgets his food, who is so joyous that he forgets all care, and so does not observe the gradual approach of old age." (34)

Then Confucius left Shê, and returned to Ts'ai. Ch'ang Chü and Chieh Ni were weeding and hoeing. Confucius marked that they were philosophers under the surface (35). He sent Tze Lu to ask about the ford. Ch'ang Chü said: "Who is he who is halting his chariot there?" Tze Lu replied: "It is K'ung Ch'iu." The other said: "Is it Kung Ch'iu of Lu?" Tze Lu answered: "Yes." Ch'ang Chü said: "Then, of course he knows the ford." Thereupon, Chieh Ni said to Tze Lu: "And, who are you?" He replied: "I am Chung Yu." (36) The other asked: "Are you a disciple of Confucius?" He answered "Yes." Chieh Ni said: "Such a deluge prevails over the whole world, and who can change it? Would it not be better, instead of following a master who withdraws from individual men, to follow one who withdraws from the world?" With that, he continued to dig, and did not stop again.

Tze Lu reported this to Confucius. Confucius was cast down and said: "I really cannot live with birds and beasts. If order prevailed on earth, I should, of course, need to change nothing!"

On another day, Tze Lu was under way, and met an old man who was carrying a basket on his shoulder. He said to him: "Have you seen the Master?" The old man replied: "Your four limbs are not fit for work. You cannot distinguish between the five kinds of grain. Who is your Master? " With that, he stuck his staff into the ground, and began to weed (37).

Tze Lu reported this to Confucius, who said: "He is a hermit." Tze Lu returned to that spot, but the old man had gone.

Three years after Confucius had settled in Ts'ai (489 B.C.), Wu attacked the State of Ch'ên, and Ch'u, coming to the help of Ch'ên, camped in Ch'êng Fu. The king of Ch'u heard that Confucius was between Ch'en and Ts'ai, so he sent a messenger with an invitation to Confucius. Confucius was about to go thither, to return thanks for the invitation. Then the dignitaries of Ch'ên and Ts'ai took counsel among themselves and said: "Confucius is a Sage; whatever criticism he had to offer concerns the faults of the feudal princes. Now he has been living for a long time in the neighbourhood of Ch'ên and Ts'ai. What we have done here is not in accordance with the views of Chung Ni. Ch'u is a large state, and is now extending an invitation to Confucius. If Confucius obtains influence in Ch'u, the conditions will become dangerous for the leading dignitaries of Ch'ên and Ts'ai. Thereupon, they together sent out servants, who surrounded Confucius in the field, so that he could not proceed. His provisions gave out, and his disciples were so weak that they could no longer stand up. But Confucius continued to expound and recite the sacred writings, and to play and sing. Tze Lu was displeased, and, stepping before Confucius, said: "Has the Sage also such want? " Confucius answered: "The superior man remains firm in want, but when want overtakes the inferior man he gives way to license." (38)

Tze Kung was excited. Confucius said: "Tzu, you probably think that I have learned much, and now know it." Tze Kung replied: "Yes. Is that not true?" Confucius said: "No; I have one thing to permeate everything." (39)

Confucius, knowing that the disciples murmured in their hearts, called Tze Lu to him and asked him: "In the Book of Odes it is written: 'We are neither rhinoceroses nor tigers, that we could stay in this wilderness.' Is my teaching perhaps false? Why does this want befall us?" Tze Lu answered: "I suppose that I have not yet attained true goodness, and that therefore people do not trust me. I suppose that I have not yet attained true wisdom, and that therefore people will not yet do what I say." Confucius said: "Do you really think so? If, however, good men were invariably to gain confidence, how would the lot of a Po I and a Shu Ch'i have been possible? If the words of the Philosophers invariably found obedience, how could there have been a Prince Pi Kan?"

Tze Lu went out. Tze Kung came in, and stepped before Confucius. The latter said: "Tzu, in the Book of Odes it is written: "We are neither rhinoceroses nor tigers, that we could stay in this wilderness.' Is my teaching perhaps false? Why does this want befall us?" Tze Kung answered: "The Master's teaching is so overpowering that no one on earth can bear it. You must, I think, bring it a little lower." Confucius said: "Tzu, a good husbandman can sow, but he cannot make the harvest. A good workman can be clever, but he cannot always meet people's taste. The Sage may cultivate his doctrines, may arrange them and simplify them, may co-ordinate them and judge them, but he cannot bring it to pass that they be accepted. If you now think that one needs only to cultivate one's doctrines, and if you strive only to have them accepted, then, Tzu, your vision is not directed afar."

Tze Kung went out. Yen Hui came in, and stepped before Confucius. The latter said: "In the Book of Odes it is written: 'We are neither rhinoceroses nor tigers that we could stay in this wilderness.' How is it that this want befalls us?" Yen Hui answered: "Your teaching, Master, is very great; therefore the world cannot comprehend it. Nevertheless, continue, Master, to act according to it. What matters it that it is not comprehended? In the very fact that he is not understood, the Sage is recognized. If we do not cultivate our doctrines, that is our error. But if we painstakingly cultivate our doctrines, and these doctrines are not accepted, that is the fault of the rulers of the land. What matters it that the doctrine is not understood? In the very fact that he is not understood, the Sage is recognized."

Confucius rejoiced and smiled. He said: "Son of the house of Yen, if you had great riches, I should wish to be your overseer."

Thereupon, Confucius sent Tze Kung to Ch'u. King Chao of Ch'u sent out soldiers to meet Confucius. So Confucius and his disciples succeeded in making their escape. King Chao had the intention of giving Confucius in fief a territory of 700 square miles. Then Minister Tze Hsi of Ch'u said: "Is there among the ambassadors whom you, O King, send to the princes any who is the equal of Tze Kung?" The King answered: "No." "Is there among Your Majesty's counselors any who is the equal of Yen Hui?" The king answered: "No." "Is there among Your Majesty's generals any who is the equal of Tze Lu?" The king answered: "No." "Is there among Your Majesty's officials any who is the equal of Tsai Yü?" The king answered: "No." "And now the ancestor of Ch'u was given by the House of Chou a fief of fifty miles as Baron or Viscount. But K'ung Ch'iu continues the methods of the three dynasties, and makes glorious the work of the Dukes of Chou and Shao. If Your Majesty should appoint him, how then would it be possible for the kingdom of Ch'u to extend itself, proud and prosperous, from generation to generation, over thousands of square miles? King Wên in Fêng and King Wu in Hao were princes with a possession of but a hundred miles, and they finally attained world rule. If now K'ung Ch'iu (Confucius) receives land in fief upon which he can rely, and has such excellent disciples to help him, that will not redound to the good fortune of Ch'u." Thereupon, King Chao relinquished the idea of giving land in fief to Confucius. In the autumn of the year (489 B.C.), King Chao of Chu died in Ch'eng Fu.

Chieh Yü, the court fool of Ch'u, passed Confucius, singing. He sang:

"O bird Fêng, O bird Fêng! How greatly did thy splendor dim! But what is done is done Yet in the future be on guard! Give o'er, give o'er, thy idle striving! He who today will serve the state But plunges into perils." (40) The Master dismounted and desired speech with the jester. But the fool fled, so that Confucius could not speak with him. Thereupon, Confucius left Ch'u and returned to Wei. In this year Confucius was sixty-three years old (489 B.C.). It was the sixth year of Duke Ai, of Lu.

In the following year (488 B.C.), Wu held a conference with Lu in Tsêng. Wu demanded a hecatomb. Chancellor P'i demanded it of Baron K'ang of Chi. Baron K'ang had Tze Kung accompany him, and thus the matter could be avoided.

Confucius said: "The governments of Lu and of Wei are brothers." (41)

At that time, the father of Ch'e, the Prince of Wei, could not ascend the throne, and tarried outside his domains. The various princes had already frequently made representations on this account. But among the disciples of Confucius many were in the service of Wei. The Prince of Wei wished to obtain Confucius to conduct the government. Tze Lu said: "The Prince of Wei expects you to conduct the government for him. What do you consider the most urgent matter?" Confucius answered: "Under all the circumstances, the rectification of the names." Tze Lu said: "Ought that to be the question? Master, you have erred greatly; what shall their rectification avail?" Confucius replied: "How untutored you are, Yu! If the names are not correct, the judgments are not clear. If the judgments are not clear, the works are not accomplished. If the works are not accomplished, then rites and music do not flourish. If rites and music do not flourish, punishments are not equitable. If the punishments are not just, then the people are at a complete loss. The Sage always gives such a turn to his actions that they can be called by their right names (idea) and always gives such a turn to his judgments that they can be carried out. The Sage permits nothing inexact in his words." (42)

In the following year (484 B.C.), Jan Ch'iu was in command of the army of the Chi family, and fought against Ch'i at Lang, and conquered it. Baron Kang of Chi said: "Have you attained your military skill by learning it or is it naturally yours?" Jan Ch'iu answered: "I have learned it of Confucius." Baron K'ang of Chi asked: "What sort of man is Confucius?" Jan Ch'iu replied: "If one makes use of him, one will reap fame. If one asks the people about him, or lets the gods and spirits express themselves concerning him, no one of them will be dissatisfied. He strives to attain the highest that is possible on the path of virtue (43). If you assign him a territory of 1,000 miles, he will not regard that as gain!" Baron K'ang said: "I should like to summon him. Can that be done?" Jan Ch'iu replied: "If you wish to summon him, you must not let him be circumvented by inferior people; then it can be done."

In Wei, K'ung Wen-tze wished to attack Tai Shu, and he asked Chung Ni (Confucius) for counsel. Chung Ni refused, as he understood nothing of the matter. He withdrew, caused the horses to be put to his chariot, and departed. He said: "The bird can seek a tree for himself, but a tree cannot seek a bird." Wên Tze wished to detain him, but Baron K'ang of Chi sent the honorable Hua, the honorable Pin, and the honorable Lin to receive him with gifts of silk. Then Confucius returned to Lu.

Confucius had been away from Lu for fourteen years at the time when he returned to Lu.

Duke Ai questioned him regarding the government. Confucius replied: "The government consists in the correct choice of officials."

Baron K'ang of Chi asked him about the government. Confucius replied: "One must elevate the just men, so that they exert pressure upon the crooked men; in this way the crooked will become straight." (44)

Baron K'ang was distressed concerning the great number of thefts. Confucius said: "If you did not countenance thefts, the people would not steal, even though you rewarded them for it (45).

But finally it turned out that they could not make use of Confucius in Lu. And neither did Confucius strive for official position.

In the days of Confucius, the House of Chou had degenerated, the rites and music had fallen into decay, songs and records showed lacunae. Therefore Confucius followed the traces of the rites of the three dynasties, arranged the traditional material of the records, beginning from above, with the events under the rulers of T'ang (Yao) and of Yü (Shun), and going down to Duke Mu of Ch'in. He arranged and grouped the events in their reigns.

Confucius said: "Concerning the rites of the Hsia Dynasty, I might speak; but the State of Chi is not in a position to furnish the necessary corroborative data. Concerning the rites of the Yin Dynasty, I might speak; but the State of Sung is not in a position to furnish the necessary corroborative data. If they were in such a position, I could verify everything (46). When one considers what the Dynasties of Yin and Hsia have subtracted from the existing rites, and what they have added to them, one knows the future for a hundred generations to come (47). Equally strong in form and content, and of a fine completeness, the Chou Dynasty looks back upon its predecessors. Of a truth, I shall hold to the Chou Dynasty."

Therefore the transmission of the records and the determination of the rites come to us through Confucius.

Confucius spoke to the Chief Music-Master: "One can know how music must be played. At the beginning of the piece, all the parts sound together; the continuation must bring out the individual themes in a harmonious manner, and without a break, to the conclusion. When I returned to Lu from Wei, the music was reformed. The art songs and the praise songs all attained their proper place." (48)

In olden times, there were over 3,000 songs. Confucius, for his part, eliminated the repetitions, and included those songs which were of value for morals and justice. Beginning from above with Hsieh and Hou Tze, in the middle he transcribed the songs from the period of the efflorescence of Yin and Chou, proceeding down to the defective periods of King Yu and King Li. He began with the love songs; therefore he put the full tones of the Kuan Chü song at the beginning of the folk songs, the ode Lu-Ming at the beginning of the minor art songs, the ode Wên-Wang at the beginning of the major art songs, and the ode Ch'ing Miao at the beginning of the praise songs. All the three hundred and five pieces Confucius accompanied with the strings, and he sang them in order to attain agreement with the music of Shao, Wu, Ya, and Sung. From that point on, one could survey the rites and music, in order thus to prepare the way for the kingdom, and to complete the six arts.

Confucius had, in his later years, a great love for the Book of Changes; for its arrangement, as well as for its explanations, additions, pictures, treatises, and commentaries. He read so much in the Book of Changes that he three times wore out the leather thong which held the book together. He said: "If a few more years are granted me, I shall be an adept with respect to the 'Changes.'" (49)

Confucius gave instruction to about 3,000 pupils in the odes, records, rites, and music. Among these pupils there were seventy-two who were personally the masters of all six arts. Pupils like Yen, Cho, and Tsou, who had enjoyed a considerable amount of his instruction, were very numerous.

Confucius gave instruction in four subjects: Literature, Conduct, Conscientiousness, and Loyalty. He was free from four things: he had "no foregone conclusions, no arbitrary predeterminations, no obstinacy, and no egoism." The matters in which he exercised the greatest caution were the periods of fasting, of warfare, of illness. The Master seldom spoke of fortune, of fate, of "perfect virtue." (50)

He gave no help to him who was not zealous. If he presented one corner of a subject as an example, and the pupil could not transfer what he had learned to the other three corners, Confucius did not repeat (51).

In everyday life, Confucius was altogether modest, as though he were not able to speak. In the ancestral temple and at court, he was eloquent, yet his speeches were always cautious. At court, he conversed with the upper dignitaries in exact and definite terms; with the lower dignitaries he was free and open. Whenever he entered in at the duke's door, he walked as though bowed over, with quick steps; he approached as if on wings. Whenever the Prince commanded his presence at a reception of guests, his appearance was serious. Whenever a command of the Prince summoned him, he left his house without waiting for the horses to be put to his chariot (52).

If fish were no longer fresh, or if the meat was tainted, or not cut in the proper manner, he did not eat it (53).

If the mat did not lie straight, he did not seat himself. When he sat at food by one in mourning, he did not eat his fill. When, on any day, he had wept, on that day he sang no more. When he saw a man who was fasting, or who was in mourning or blind, even if it were but a boy, he became serious (54).

He said, "When three of us are together, there is certainly a master for me among them." (55)

"That virtue is not cultivated, that knowledge is not made clear, that people hear of duty and do not practice it, that people have evil in themselves and do nothing to improve: those are things that make me sad."' (56)

When any one sang and did it well, Confucius caused him to repeat it, and then he accompanied him (57).

Things of which the Master did not speak were misused powers and unnatural demons (58).

Tze Kung said: "The Master's words concerning art and culture are to be heard, but when the Master speaks concerning the way of Heaven or concerning natural talents, these things are not so easily to be heard." (59)

Yen Yüan said with a sigh: "The more I look up, the higher it rises before me; the more I strive to penetrate, the more impenetrable does it become for me. I look forward, then it is suddenly behind me; but the Master knows how to arrange everything in order, and he is skilled in leading men on (60). He has enlarged my vision through art, and has taught me the restraints of propriety. If I were to wish to give over studying his doctrines, I could not. But when I exhaust all my powers, he suddenly rises in sheer grandeur before me, and even if I try to follow him, I find no way to do it."

A youth from the region of Ta Hsiang once said: "Confucius is great, his learning is extensive, but he has not made a name for himself through anything in particular. The Master heard this and said: "What shall I practice -- charioteering or archery? I will practice charioteering (61).

Lao said: "The Master was accustomed to say: 'I was not in office: therefore I have many skills.'" (62)

In the spring of the fourteenth year of Duke Ai of Lu (481 B.C.), there was a hunt in the great wilderness. The charioteer of the chariot of the Shu-Sun family, whose name was Ch'u Shang, slew a beast. He considered it an omen of evil. Chung Ni (Confucius) saw this and said: "It is a ch'i lin." So they took it with them.

Confucius said: "The Yellow River sends no plan, the River Lo sends no record. I am done for!" (63)

Yen Yüan died, and Confucius said: "Heaven is destroying me." (64)

When they were hunting in the west, and a ch'i lin appeared, Confucius said: "My career is at an end."

He drew a deep sigh and said: "Alas, no one knows me!" Tze Kung said: "What is the meaning of your saying that no one knows you, Master?" The Master said: "I do not murmur against Heaven, I do not grumble against man. I pursue my studies here on earth, and am in touch with heaven above. It is Heaven that knows me! (65)

"Those who did not lower their standards and did not shut their eyes to corruption were perhaps Po I and Shu Ch'i. Concerning Hui of Liu Hsia and Shao Lien it must be said that they lowered their standards and shut their eyes to corruption. Of Yü Chung and I Yi it may be said that they dwelt in seclusion and refrained from speaking. (66) In their conduct, they conformed to purity, and in their retirement they maintained the balance of conduct. I am different from these: for me there is no may and no must." The Master continued: "No! No! The Sage suffers because he must leave the world without his name being mentioned! My path is not traveled. Through what shall I be known to posterity?" (67) Thereupon, in connection with the data of the Annalists, he composed the Spring and Autumn Annals. Beginning with Duke Yin (722-712 B.C.) and continuing the recording of events down to the fourteenth year of Duke Ai (481 B.C.), he treated the history of twelve dukes, basing his work on Lu, and taking the point of view of Chou; herein he depicted the history of all three dynasties. The style of the text was conservative, but the secret meaning was very far-reaching. Thus the Princes of Wu and Ch'u called themselves "Kings," but this is criticized in the Spring and Autumn Annals by consistently calling them "Barons." At the assembly of princes at Chien T'u, in the year 632 B.C., they had in fact simply fetched the Son of Heaven, but in the Spring and Autumn Annals this expression is avoided, and the reading is: "The Son of Heaven was hunting north of the Yellow River." By the application of this method, the clue is found for the meaning according to which the events in each generation are to be criticized or are to be passed over in silence. If, later on, a king comes, and comprehends and interprets this meaning, and carries out the true significance of the Spring and Autumn Annals in his own rule, then rebellious officials and robber sons will become afraid. As long as Confucius was in office, he acted practically the same as other people with respect to the manner in which he settled law-suits and pronounced judgments, and he made no exceptions. But when he wrote the Spring and Autumn Annals, then he set down what had to be set down, and expunged what was to be expunged, so that Tze Hsia and his pupils could not find a word to add to his praise. When he delivered the Spring and Autumn Annals to his disciples, Confucius said: "If any one recognizes my greatness in future generations, it will be because of the Spring and Autumn Annals. If any one condemns me in future generations, it will likewise be because of the Spring and Autumn Annals." (68)

In the following year, Tze Lu died in Wei (480 B.C.).

Confucius was ill. Tze Kung asked permission to visit him. Then Confucius walked back and forth in the courtyard, supporting himself on his staff, and said: "Tzu, why are you so late?" Then Confucius sighed and sang:

"The Sacred Mountain caves in (69), The roof beam breaks, The Sage will vanish."' Then he shed tears and said to Tze Kung: "For a long time the world has been unregulated; no one understood how to follow me. The people of Hsia placed the coffin upon the east steps, the people of Chou placed it on the west steps, the people of Yin placed it between the two pillars. Last night I dreamed that I was sitting before the sacrificial offerings between the two pillars. Does that mean that I am a man of Yin?" Seven days later, Confucius died. Confucius had attained an age of seventy-three years, when he died, in the fourth month of the sixteenth year of Duke Ai of Lu (479 B.C.). Duke Ai composed a song of mourning for Confucius: "Merciful Heaven, thou hast had no compassion upon me, in that thou hast not left me the one aged man fitted to protect me, the Unique One, during the period of my rule. Full of mourning am I in my pain! O woe! Father Ni! Now I no longer have any one who could serve me as a model."

Tze Kung said: "The Prince will surely not die a peaceful death in his land of Lu! The Master always said: 'If one does not observe the rites, one is besotted; if one misses the correct names, one goes astray. If one misses obtaining people's good will, one is besotted; if one misses the position that is due to him, one goes astray. If no one has made inquiry for a person while he lived, that is not according to decorum; if a territorial prince calls himself by the designation of the Great King, the 'Unique One,' that is not the correct name."

Confucius was buried north of the city, on the bank of the River Szu.

All the disciples mourned him for three years. When the three years of the mourning of the heart were over (70), then they separated and went their ways, and once more each one wept bitter tears wrung from his heart. Some there were who remained even longer. Tze Kung alone built himself a hut by the grave mound. He remained, in all, six years before he departed. There were over a hundred families of the disciples of Confucius and of the people of Lu who went thither and built houses by the grave. So they called the place the Hamlet of Confucius. In Lu. the custom was handed down from generation to generation to offer sacrifices at the grave of Confucius at fixed times of the year. And the scholars also practiced the rites of a communal banquet and held a great archery contest at the grave of Confucius. The burial place of Confucius is one hundred acres in extent. The Hall (71) in which the pupils of Confucius dwelt was later turned into a temple in which the clothes, hats, lute, chariots, and books of Confucius were preserved. All of this was kept for over two hundred years, until the Han period. When the first emperor of the Han Dynasty came through Lu, he offered a great sacrifice to Confucius. When princes, dignitaries, and ministers come, they always first visit the temple, before they go about their business.

Confucius begat Li, whose appellation was Po-yü. Po-yü died before his father, at the age of fifty. Po-yü begat Chi, whose appellation was Tze-ssu. Tze-ssu lived to be sixty-two years old. He was at one time in danger in Sung. Tze-ssu wrote the Doctrine of the Mean. Tze-ssu begat Po, with the appellation Tze-shang. He lived to be forty-seven years old. Tze-shang begat Ch'iu, with the appellation Tze-chia. He lived to be forty-five years old. Tze-chia begat Chi, with the appellation Tze-ching. He lived to be forty-six years old. Tze-ching begat Ch'üan, with the appellation Tze-kao. He lived to be fifty-one years old. Tze-kao begat Tze-shên. He lived to be fifty-seven years old. He was Minister in Wei.

Tze-shên begat Fu. He lived to be fifty-seven years old. He was the archaeologist of King Ch'ên Sh'e and died in Ch'ên. The younger brother of Fu, by name, Tze-hsiang, lived fifty-seven years. He was the archaeologist of the Emperor Hsiao Hui (194-188 B.C.), and was appointed governor of Ch'ang Sha. He was nine feet six inches tall.

Tze-hsiang begat Chung. He lived to be fifty-seven years old. Chung begat Wu, Wu begat Yen-nien and An-kuo. An-kuo was the archaeologist of the present emperor. He attained to the rank of Governor of Lin Huai. He died before his time.

An-kuo begat Ang. Ang begat Huan.

The Chief Historian says: "In the Book of Odes it is written:

'The high mountain, he looked toward it; The distant road, he walked along it.' Even if a person does not reach his goal, yet his heart ever seeks to attain it. I read the writings of Confucius, and I pictured to myself what sort of man he had been. I went to Lu, and in the temple of Chung Ni I contemplated his chariot, his garments, and his ceremonial implements. At a fixed time, scholars performed the rites of his house. So I remained there, full of reverence, and could not tear myself away. There were on earth many princes and sages who, in their lifetime, were famous, but whose names were no longer known after their death. Confucius was a simple man of the people. But after more than ten generations, his doctrine is still handed down, and men of learning honour him as Master. From the Son of Heaven, and from kings and princes on, all who practice the six free arts in the Middle Kingdom take their decisions and their measure from the Master. That can be designated the highest possible sanctity."

NOTES 1) Translators' Note. The Shih Chi of Sse-Ma Ch'ien has been translated into French as Les mémoires historiques de Se-Ma Ts'ien traduits et annotés par Edouard Chavannes, Paris, 1905. The life of Confucius is found in Chapter XLVII, pp. 282 ff. Both Wilhelm and Chavannes follow the general tendency among Sinologues in referring to Confucius as K'ung Tze. As will be seen from the text, K'ung is his family name; the Tze is a usual designation among the Chinese for master, philosopher, etc. Thus also Lao Tze, where Lao means old. The style or appellation (Chinese hao) is the literary designation; as his cognomen, Ch'iu, has become a sacred word and is therefore tabu, Confucius is referred to by his literary designation, Chung Ni. The word Chung means: the second born of brothers; Confucius was regarded as the second born, the hill Ni being held as the elder.

2) In reality, Ming Hsi-tze did not die until 518 B.C., when Confucius was thirty-four years old.

3) Translators' Note. Chavannes: "arrière petit fils de Fu Fu Ho."

4) The term petty official (Angestellter) must be used, rather than scribe (Schreiber). (Cf. Ch'ao Ch'i.)

5) This section (i.e., of Sse-Ma Ch'ien) breaks the connection, and anticipates events narrated in detail later on.

6) Translators' Note. Po-Li Hsi (Giles, 1659) was an official whose value the Duke of Ch'in knew. He offered only five rams' skins as a ransom for him, "so as to make it appear that he was an unimportant personage." See also Chavannes, Vol. II, P. 27.

7) Lun Yü, III, 25; VII, 13.

8) Lun Yü, XII, 11.

9) It is not to be supposed that Yen Ying spoke these words, since he was personally friendly to Confucius. The reproaches which are found in the Yen Tse Ch'un Ch'iu, 8, Wai P'ien, and in Mo-tzu, 39, Fei Ju, contain, as it were, the arsenal that was constantly used by the opponents of Confucius.

10) Lun Yü, XVIII, 3.

11) Kuo Yü. Lü Yü 3. Translators' Note: These are all fabulous animals.

12) Translators' Note: Chavannes' translation is clearer: "Those who preside over the sacrifices which are rendered to the soil and the grain are dukes and marquises." The King, as Son of Heaven, ruled over all.

13) A better reading for Wang Wang is probably Wang Mang, which means of hybrid origin. Translators' Note. The Chinese ideogram in the 1742 edition is chai, used for ti and is that applied to certain barbarian tribes.

14) Translators' Note. Wilhelm translates pei ch'ên as Ministerialen. The term is applied to the vassals of a subordinate.

15) Lun Yü, XVII, 5. Compare, on this point, Richard Wilhelm, K'ung-Tse, Leben and Werk, p. 196, note 36. Translators' Note. "The passage in the Lun Yü seems to be a forged interpolation. The original seat of the Chou Dynasty lay west from Lu."--Legge.

16) See, in this connection, M. Granet, Danses et Légendes de la Chine ancienne, pp. 171-213, and elsewhere. Paris, 1926. Translators' Note. Chavannes' translation indicates that the limbs of the dwarfs were scattered after they had been killed. The gesture with the sleeve, found in only one of the seven versions of this interview, is an additional ceremonial act by Confucius, to indicate his displeasure at the course of events. Granet notices that in none of the seven versions does Confucius mount to the highest step, which was reserved for princes. The whole incident indicates the triumph of Confucius at this meeting, through strict adherence to ceremonial. This very important meeting at Chia Ku is discussed in great detail and in all its aspects by Granet.

17) The reading "of the tower" is to be preferred to "of the duke." Translators' Note. The Chia Yü writes t'ai, tower, platform, which Chavannes translates belvédère..

18) This story, which is found neither in the Tso Chuan nor in the Lun Yü, is probably apocryphal.

19) Translators' Note. Lun Yü, XVII, 4. Wilhelm's reference (p. 17) to Lun Yü, XVIII, 4, must be a misprint.

20) Lun Yü, XI, 22; IX, 5.

21) Lun Yü, IX, 17.

22) The Nü Ch'ên, a Manchurian tribe, are probably meant.

23) Translators' Note. Ta Chi, eldest daughter of King Wu.

24) Mencius, VII, B. 37. Translators' Note. Wilhelm's grosszügig hardly seems correct, in the light of the Chinese text, since k'uang chien rather means negligent, or overhasty. See p. 40, and note, p. 41.

25) Lun Yü, XIII, 10.

26) Lun Yü, XVII, 7. Translators' Note. The end of this paragraph is extremely difficult. Both Legge and Chavannes agree in the interpretation that the sage can touch pitch and not be defiled. Wilhelm is less definite, but the Chinese seems clearly to point to this.

The Chinese ideogram which Wilhelm translates as der Edle, der höhere Mensch, or der Weise, and Chavannes as le sage, is translated by Legge as the superior man. It is the chün tze, which also has the idea of gentleman. The term is one of the most important in the Confucian canon. Its opposite, hsiao jen, literally means the little man. Legge translates, the mean man; Wilhelm, der Gemeine (the common man), but the word hsiao here has definitely qualitative connotations. In general, we have rendered Wilhelm's der Edle by the Sage, his der höhere Mensch by the superior man, his der Weise by the Philosopher. More latitude seemed necessary in rendering der Gemeine.

27) Lun Yü, XIV, 42.

28) Translators' Note. The ch'i lin is a fabulous animal, which is said to have appeared first in 2600 B.C., in the grounds of the emperor Huang Ti. One of these creatures is said to have appeared to the mother of Confucius before his birth, and tradition has it that it appears when sages are born. It is the so-called fo dog, so often found in the curio shops.

29) Lun Yü, XV, 1.

30) Translators' Note. The ideogram which Chavannes and Wilhelm here transliterate as chao is, in the 1742 edition of the Historical Annals, and in at least two others (kindly collated for us by Mr. Yen, of the Columbia University Library), usually rendered ch'ê or possibly chê. Giles Dictionary, No. 581.

31) Translators' Note. In Chinese, two entirely different ideograms are used for Ch'i, the State, and Ch'i, the city.

32) Lun Yü, V, 21. That this phrase has already been mentioned once in the version of Mencius is certainly based on an error. It is a question of the same affair. Translators' Note. The ideogram ts'ai, which Wilhelm translates by zurechtschneiden, is translated by Legge as above, in single quotation marks. Ts'ai may mean either to cut (as garments), or to regulate.

33) Lun Yü, XIII, 16. Translators' Note. Legge's translation: "Good government obtains when those who are near are made happy and when those who are far off are attracted."

34) Lun Yü, VII, 18.

35) Lun Yü, XVIII, 6.

36) The personal name of Tze Lu.

37) Lun Yü, XVIII, 7.

38) Lun Yü, XV, 1.

39) Lun Yü, XV, 2. Translators' Note. Legge translates: "I seek a unity all-pervading."

40) Lun Yü, XVIII, 5. Translators' Note. The fêng is the fabulous phoenix, preeminent among birds. Its appearance was regarded as a symbol of approval of a peaceful reign and a successful ruler.

41) Lun Yü, XIII, 7.

42) Translators' Note. Cf. Richard Wilhelm, Confucius and Confucianism (1931), pp. 148 - 151.

43) What Wilhelm translates auf diesem Weg das Höchste is actually a rendition of the so variously translated tao, which always seems to have a moral connotation. Chavannes thus interprets it.

44) Lun Yü, XII, 22.

45) Lun Yü, XII, 18.

46) Lun Yü, III, 9.

47) Translators' Note. Lun Yü, II, XXIII, 2. Wilhelm's reference to Lun Yü, IX, 14, must be a misprint.

48) Lun Yü, III, 23; IX, 14.

49) Lun Yü, VII, 16. Translators' Note. Legge's translation: "The Master said: 'If some years were added to my life, I would give fifty to the study of the Yi [Changes], and then I might be without great faults.'"

50) Lun Yü, IX, 4; VII, 12; IX, I. Translators' Note. The quotation marks in the above paragraph indicate Legge's renderings. The first Lun Yü reference is interesting. In Legge's translation it runs: "The Master said: 'From the man bringing his bundle of dried flesh for my teaching upwards, I have never refused instruction to any one.'"

51) Lun Yü, VII, 8.

52) Lun Yü, X, 1, 2, 3, 13.

53) Lun Yü, X, 8.

54)Lun Yü, X, 9; VII, 9; IX, 9; X, 16. Translators' Note. The last reference to the Lun Yü contains a slight variant: for Wilhelm's wenn es auch nur ein Knabe war, the reading is, though he (Confucius) might be informally dressed.

55) Lun Yü, VII, 21.

56) Lun Yü, VII, 3.

57) Lun Yü, VII, 31. Translators' Note. Wilhelm has begleitete; the Chinese ideogram means to sing in unison with, or to sing the second part.

58) Lun Yü, VII, 20. Translators' Note. The Chinese has but four ideograms: huai, li, luan, shên. The usual translation makes each of these ideograms a noun: extraordinary things, strength, confusion, spiritual beings. Wilhelm's translation is quite original in making the first and third ideograms adjectives modifying the second and fourth: verkehrte Kräfte und widernatürliche Dämonen.

59) Lun Yü, V, 12. Translators' Note. This is one of the most perplexing sections in the Lun Yü.

60) Lun Yü, IX, 10.

61) Lun Yü, IX, 2.

62) Lun Yü, IX, 6.

63) Lun Yü, IX, 8. Translators' Note. The text of the Lun Yü is here quite different. Where Sse-Ma has the Yellow River, the Chinese text of the Lun Yü has the ideogram for phoenix.

64) Lun Yü, XI, 8.

65) Lun Yü, XIV, 37.

66) Translators' Note. Cf. Lun Yü, XVIII, 8.

67) Lun Yü, XV, 19.

68) Mencius, III, Part II, Chap. 9, 8.

69) Translators' Note. The Sacred Mountain is T'ai Shan in Shantung.

70) That is, without mourning garb, which, according to custom, was only worn after the death of a father.

71) Cf. the text correction of Chavannes in his translation, Vol. V, p. 429. Translators' Note. Chavannes accepts the text correction proposed by the commentator Fang Pao, which changes the order of the Chinese ideograms.

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